Office of the Press Secretary, Storrs, Connecticut)

October 15, 1995

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT

AT THE OPENING OF THE COMMEMORATION OF

"50 YEARS AFTER NUREMBERG: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE RULE OF LAW"

Gampel Pavilion

University of Connecticut

Storrs, Connecticut

4:18 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, first,

Senator Dodd, for your dedication and your service; your

friendship; and your wonderful, wonderful introduction. It's

worth three more stroke the next time we play golf. (Laughter.)

Chairman Rome, President Hartley, Governor

Rowland, Senator Lieberman, members of the congressional

delegation; and especially your Congressman, Representative

Gedjenson, thank you for your fine remarks here today. To the

state officials who are here, and the senators and former members

of the United States Senate; to my friend, Governor O'Neill, and

all others who have served this great state; the faculty, students

and friends of the University of Connecticut; and to the

remarkable American treasure, Morton Gould, who composed that

awesome piece of music we heard just before we started the

program. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, I am delighted to be

here. As an old musician, I'd like to begin by congratulating the

Wind Ensemble. They were quite wonderful in every way, I thought.

(Applause.) As a near fanatic basketball fan, I a.. glad to be in

a place where it can truly be said there is no other place in

America where both men and women play basketball so well under the

same roof. (Applause.)

And at the risk of offending the Dodd family

and all the other Irish who are here, I want to say that your new

football coach, with his remarkable record, learned at his

father's knee, not at Notre Dame, but when he spent nine years in

my home state as a football coach. (Laughter.) But

congratulations on that great start for the University of

Connecticut football team. That is a remarkable thing.

(Applause.)

When Governor Rowland made his fine remarks and

talked about the Special Olympians turning their cameras around

and turning their camera sighting into the telescope, I thought it

was a remarkable story. And I was wondering if he could identify

them and arrange to send them to Washington for a few weeks --

(laughter) -- so that we might clear vision down there as we make

these decisions. (Applause.)

Let me also say just one other thing by way of

introduction. The state of Connecticut is really fortunate to

have two such remarkable United States Senators, and I am very

fortunate to have known both of them a long, long time before

became the President and a long, long time before either one of

them thought that was even a remote possibility for the United

States. (Laughter.)

I was a student at Yale Law School and a

sometime volunteer when Joe Lieberman first ran for the State

Senate back in 1970. He still barely looks old enough to be a

State senator. (Laughter.) And I thank him for the remarkable

blend of new ideas and common sense and old-fashioned values he

brings to the Senate.

And in many, many ways I have enjoyed a long and rich

personal friendship with Chris Dodd. I can't add anything to what

Senator Lieberman said, but I will say this: At a time when every

person in public life talks about family values, it is quite one

thing to talk and another thing to do. (Applause.) And I have

been very moved by the family values of the Dodd family and what

they have done together that has brought this magnificent day to

pass. And I honor them all and especially my friend, Senator

Chris Dodd. (Applause.)

I have been asked today to inaugurate the first Dodd

Center Symposium on the topic of "50 Years After Nuremberg." I am

honored to do that. I was born just after World War II, and I

grew up as a part of a generation of young students who were

literally fascinated by every aspect of the Nuremberg trials and

what their ramifications were and were not for every unfolding

event in the world that was disturbing to human conscience.

I wish that Tom Dodd could be here today to see this

center take life, not only because of what his family and friends

and this state have done, but because now, for all time we will be able

to study This great question a~ we strive to overcome human evil

and human failing to be better.

Senator Dodd, as we know, was a man of extraordinary

breadth and depth, who was passionate about civil rights three

decades before the civil rights movement changed the face of our

nation; who fought to provide the young people of America with an

education and a decent job, a fight that is never-ending; who

understood then the menace of violence and guns and drugs on the

streets of our city. And if only others had joined him firmly

then, think what we might have avoided today.

But most important, we look today at his experience

at Nuremberg as a prosecutor, an experience that compelled him for

the rest of his life to stand up for freedom and human dignity all

around the world. He made a great deal of difference. And now,

because his spirit lives on in the Dodd Center, he will be able to

make a difference forever.

A few moments ago, in the powerful documentary we

watched on Nuremberg, our chief prosecutor, Mr. justice Jackson's

words spoke to us across three decades. "The wrongs which we seek

to condemn and punish have been so calculated, so malignant and 90

devastating, that civilization cannot tolerate their being ignored

because it cannot survive their being repeated."

At Nuremberg, the international community declared

that those responsible for crimes against humanity will be held

accountable without the usual defenses afforded to people in time

of war. The very existence of the Tribunal was ~ triumph for

justice, and for humanity, and for the proposition that there must

be limits even in wartime. Flush with victory, outraged by the

evil of the Nazi death camps, the Allied easily could have simply

lashed out in revenge. But the terrible struggle of World War II

was a struggle for the very soul of humankind. To deny its

oppressors the rights they had stripped from their victims would

have been to win the war, but to lose the larger struggle. The

Allies understood that the only answer to inhumanity is justice.

And as Senator Dodd said, three of the defendants were actually

acquitted, even in that tumultuous, passionate environment.

In the years since Nuremberg, the hope of convicting

those guilty of making aggressive war would deter future wars and

prevent future crimes against humanity -- including genocide --

frankly, has gone unfulfilled too often. From 1945 until the

present day, wars between and within nations, including practices

which were found to be illegal at Nuremberg, have cost more than

20 million lives. The wrongs Justice Jackson hoped Nuremberg

would end have not been repeated on the scale of Nazi Germany, in

the way that they did it, but they have been repeated -- and

repeated on a scale that still staggers the imagination.

Still, Nuremberg was a crucial first step. It

rendered a clear verdict or atrocities. It placed human rights on

a higher ground. It set a timeless precedent b~ stripping away

convenient excuses for abominable conduct. Now it falls to our

generation to make good on its promise -- to put into practice the

principle that those who violate universal human rights must be

called to account for those actions.

This mission demands the abiding commitment of all

people. And, like many of the other challenges of our time, it

requires the power of our nation's example and the strength of our

leadership -- first, because America was founded on the

proposition that all God's children have the right to life,

liberty and the pursuit of happiness. These are values that define

us as a nation, but they are not unique to our experience All over

the world -- from Russia to South Africa, from Poland to Cambodia

-- people have been willing to fight, and to die, for them.

Second, we have to do it because, while fascism and

communism are dead or discredited, the forces of hatred and

intolerance live on, as they will for as long as human beings are

permitted to exist on this planet, Earth. Today, it i~ ethnic

violence, religious strife, terrorism. These threats confront our

generation in a way that still would spread darkness over light,

disintegration over integration, chaos over community. Our

purpose i9 to fight them, to defeat them, to support and sustain the

powerful global aspirations of democracy, dignity and freedom.

And, finally, we must do it because, in the aftermath

of the Cold War, we are the world's only superpower. We have to

do it because while we seek to do everything we possibly can in

the world in cooperation with other nations, they find it

difficult to proceed in cooperation if we are not there as a

partner, and very often as a leader.

With our purpose and with our position comes the

responsibility to help shine the light of justice on those who

would deny to others their most basic human rights. We have an

obligation to carry forward the lessons of Nuremberg. That is why

we strongly support the United Nations War Crimes Tribunals for

the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. (Applause.)

The goals of these tribunals are straightforward --to

punish those responsible for genocide, war crimes, and crimes

against humanity; to deter future such crimes; and to help nations

that were torn apart by violence begin the process of healing and

reconciliation.

The tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has made

excellent progress. It has collected volumes of evidence of

atrocities, including the establishment of death camps, mass

executions and systematic campaigns of rape and terror. This

evidence is the basis for the indictments the tribunal already has

issued against 43 separate individuals. And this week, 10

witnesses gave dramatic, compelling testimony against one of the

indictees in a public proceeding. These indictments are not

negotiable. Those accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity

and genocide must be brought to justice. They must be tried and,

if found guilty, they must be held accountable.

Some people are concerned that pursuing peace in

Bosnia and prosecuting war criminals are incompatible goals. But

I believe they are wrong. There must be peace for justice to

prevail, but there must be justice when peace prevails. (Applause. )

In recent weeks, the combination of American leadership,

NATO's resolve, the international community's diplomatic

determination -- these elements have brought us closer to a

settlement in Bosnia than at any time since the war began there

four years ago. So let ~e repeat again what I have said

consistently for over two years: If and when the parties do make

peace, the United States, through NATO, must help to secure it.

(Applause.)

Only NATO can strongly and effectively implement a

settlement. And the United States, as NATO's leader, must do its

part and join our troops to those o~ our allies in such an

operation. If you were moved by the film you saw, and you believe

that it carries lessons for the present day, and you accept the

fact that not only our values but our position as the world's only

superpower impose upon us an obligation to carry through, then the

conclusion is inevitable: We must help to secure a peace if a

peace can be reached in Bosnia. (Applause.)

We will not send our troops into combat. We will not

ask them to keep a peace that cannot ~e maintained. But we must

use our power to secure a peace and to implement the agreement

We have an opportunity and a responsibility to help

resolve this, the most difficult security challenge in the heart

of Europe since World War II. Then His Holiness the Pope was here

just a few days ago, we spent a little over a half an hour alone,

and we talked of many things. But in the end, he said, "Mr.

President, I am not a young man. I have a long memory. This

century began with a war in Sarajevo. We must not let this

century end with a war in Sarajevo." (Applause.)

Even if a peace agreement is reached -- and I hope that

we can do that -- no peace will endure for long without justice.

For only justice can break finally the cycle of violence and

retribution that fuels war and crimes against humanity. Only

justice can lift the burden of collective guilt. It weighs upon a

society where unspeakable acts of destruction have occurred. Only

justice can assign responsibility to the guilty and allow everyone

else to get on with the hard work of rebuilding and

reconciliation. So as the United States leads the international

effort to forge a lasting peace in Bosnia, the War Crimes Tribunal

must carry on its work to find justice.

The United States is contributing more than $16

million in funds and services to that tribunal and to the one

regarding Rwanda. We have 20 prosecutors, investigators and other

personnel on the staffs. And at the United Nations, we have led

the effort to secure adequate funding for these tribunals. And we

continue to press others to make voluntary contributions. We do

this because ~e believe doing it is part of acting on the lessons

that Senator Dodd and others taught us at Nuremberg.

By successfully prosecuting war criminals in the

former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, we can send a strong signal to those

who would use the cover of war to commit terrible atrocities that

they cannot escape the consequences of such actions. And a signal

will come across even more loudly and clearly if nations all

around the world who value freedom and tolerance establish a

permanent international court to prosecute, with the support of

the United Nations Security Council, serious violations of

humanitarian law. (Applause.)

This, it seems to me, would be the ultimate tribute

to the people who did such important work at Nuremberg -- a

permanent international court to prosecute such violations. And

we are working today at the United Nations to see whether it can be

done.

But, my fellow Americans and my fellow citizens of

the world, let me also say that our commitment to punish these

crimes against humanity must be matched by our commitment to

prevent them in the first place. (Applause.) As we work to

support these tribunals, let's not forget what our ultimate goal

is. Our ultimate goal must b~ to render them completely obsolete

because such things no longer occur.

Accountability is a powerful deterrent, but it isn't

enough. It doesn't get to the root cause of such atrocities.

Only a profound change in the nature of societies can begin to

reach the heart of the matter. And I believe the basis of that

profound change is democracy.

Democracy is the best guarantor of human rights --

not a perfect one, to be sure; you can see that in the history of

the United States. But it is still the system that demands

respect for the individual, and it requires responsibility from t~

individual to thrive. Democracy cannot eliminate all violations

of human rights or outlaw human frailty, nor does promoting

democracy relieve us of the obligation to press others who do not

operate democracies to respect human rights. But more than other

system of government we know, democracy protects those rights,

defends the victims of their abuse, punishes the perpetrators and

prevents a downward spiral of revenge.

So promoting democracy does more than advance our

ideals. It reinforces our interests. Where the rule of law

prevails, where governments are held accountable where ideas and

information flow freely, economic development and political

stability are more likely to take hold -- and human rights are

more likely to thrive. History teaches us that democracies are

less likely to go to war, less likely to traffic in terrorism and

more likely to stand against the forces of hatred and destruction;

more likely to become good partners in diplomacy and trade. So

promoting democracy and defending human rights is good for the

world and good for America.

These aims have always had a powerful advocate in

Senator Chris Dodd, who has defended the vulnerable and championed

democracy, especially in our home hemisphere, as has his brother,

Tom, first as a distinguished academic at our common alma mater,

Georgetown, and then as America's Ambassador to Uruguay. As a

Peace Corps volunteer in the Dominican Republic, Senator Dodd

helped some of our poorest neighbors to build homes for their

families.

Twenty-five years later, when a brutal dictatorship

overthrew the legitimate government of Haiti, murdering,

mutilating and raping thousands, and causing tens of thousands

more to flee in fear, Chris Dodd was the conscience of the Senate

on Haiti. He urged America and the world to take action.

On this very day one year ago, an American-led

multinational force returned the duly-elected president of Haiti,

Jean Bertrand Aristide, to his country. The anniversary we

celebrate today was the culmination of a three-year effort by the

United States and the international community to remove the

dictators and restore democracy. Because we backed diplomacy with

the force of our military, the dictators finally did step down.

And Haiti's democrats stepped back to their rightful place.

Our actions ended a reign of terror that did violence

not only to innocent Haitians, but to the values and the

principles of the civilized world. We renewed hope in Haiti's

future where once there was only despair. We upheld the

reliability of our own commitments and the commitments that others

make to us. We sent a powerful message to the would-be despots

in the region: democracy in the Americas cannot be overthrown

with impunity.

We have seen extraordinary progress in this year.

The democratic government has been restored. Human rights are its

purpose, not its disgrace. Violence has subsided, though not ended

altogether. Peaceful elections have occurred. Reform is underway.

A new civilian police force has already more than 1.000 officers

on the street. A growing private sector is beginning to generate

jobs and opportunity. After so much blood and terror, the people of

Haiti have resumed their long journey to security and prosperity

with dignity.

There is a lot of work to do. Haiti is still the

poorest nation in our hemisphere, and that is a breeding ground

for the things we all come here to condemn today. Its democratic

institutions are fragile, and all those years of vicious

oppression have left scars and some still thirsting for revenge.

For reform to take root and to endure, trust must be

fully established not only between the government and the people,

but among the people of Haiti themselves. President Aristide

understands that when he says, no to violence, yes to justice; no

to vengeance, yes to reconciliation.

This is very important. Assigning individual

responsibilities for crimes of the past is also important there.

Haiti now has a National Commission for Truth and Justice,

launching investigations of past human rights abuses. And with

our support, Haiti is improving the effectiveness, accessibility

and accountability of its own justice system, again, to prevent

future violations as well as to punish those which occur.

The people of Haiti know it's up to them to safeguard

their freedom. But we know, as President Kennedy said, that

democracy is never a final achievement. And just as the American

people, after 200 years, are continually struggling to perfect our

own democracy, we must, and we will, stand with the people of

Haiti a~ they struggle t~ build their own. Indeed, the Vice

President is just today in Haiti celebrating the one-year

anniversary.

And let me say one final thing about this. I thank

Senator Dodd and Ambassador Dodd for their concern with freedom,

democracy and getting rid of the horrible human rights abuses that

have occurred in the past throughout the Americas. The First Lady

is in South America today -- or she would be here with me --

partly because of the path that has been blazed by the Dodd family

in this generation to stand up for democracy, so that every single

country of the Americas, save one, now has a democratically-

elected leader. And human rights abuses and the kinds of crimes

that Senator Thomas Dodd set up against at Nuremberg are

dramatically, dramatically reduced because of that process and

this family's leadership. (Applause.)

In closing, let me say that, for all of the work we

might do through tribunals to bring the guilty to account, it is

our daily commitment to the ideals of human dignity, democracy and

peace that has been, and will continue to be, the source of our

strength in the world and our capacity to work with others to

prevent such terrible things from occurring in the first place.

We will continue to defend the values we believe make

life worth living. We will continue to defend the proposition that

all people, without regard to their nationality, their race, their

ethnic group, their religion, their gender, should have a chance

to live free; should have a chance to make the most of their God-

given potential. For too long, all across the globe, women, and

their children in particular, were denied these human rights.

Those were the rights for which the First Lady spoke so forcefully

in China at the Women's Conference, and for which the United

States will work hard in the years ahead. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, we are living in a moment of

great hope and possibility. The capacity of the United States to

lead has been energized by our ability to succeed economically in

the global economy, and by the efforts we are making to come to

grips with our own problems here at home. But I leave you with

this thought that was referred to by the Governor in his fine

remarks and that the President of this University has emphasized

in his comments today.

It is important that we be able to act upon our

values. And what enables us to do it is our success as a nation,

our strength as a people; the fact that people can see that if you

live as we say we should live, that people can work together

across racial and ethnic and other divides to create one from many

-- as our motto says -- and to do well.

Therefore, we should in the weeks ahead in Washington

find a way to come together across our political divide to balance

the budget after the deficit has taken much a toll on our economy

over the last dozen years. But I ask you to remember this -- we

must do it in a way that is consistent with our values, and with

our ability to live by and implement and support those values here

at home and all around the world. (Applause.)

Therefore, if our goal is to preserve our ideals and

our dreams and our leadership, and to extend them to all

Americans, when we balance the budget we must not turn our backs

on our obligation to give all Americans a chance to get an

education, including a college education -- (Applause) -- to honor

our fathers and our mothers in terms of how we treat their

legitimate needs which they have earned the right to have

addressed, including their health care needs; and not to forget

the poor children, ever though it is unfashionable to talk about

poverty in this world today. They will be the adults of this

country someday. (Applause.)

We are strong because we honor each other across the

generations. We are strong when we reach across the racial and

ethnic divides. We are strong when we continue to invest in

education and the technology which opens all the mysterious door

of the future. We are strong when we preserve the environment

that God gave u~ here a home and around our increasingly

interconnected planet. We are strong when we continue to

determine to lead the world. (Applause.)

These are things which make i~ possible for us to

meet here in Connecticut today and advocate the responsibility of

the United States to lead in the protection o human rights around

the world and the prevention o~ future horrendous circumstances

such as those that Senator Dodd had to address at Nuremberg.

So I ask you to remember those lessons, as well. If

we have an obligation to stand up for what is right, to advance

what is right, to lift up human potential, w must be able to

fulfill that obligation. (Applause.)

If there is one last lesson of this day, I believe it

should be that prosperity for the United States is not the most

important thing and not an end in itself. We should seek it only

-- only -- as a means to enhance the human spirit, to enhance

human dignity, to enhance the ability of every person in our

country and those whom we have the means to help around the world

to become the people God meant for the] to ~e. If we can remember

that, then we can be faithful to the generation that won World War

II, to the outstanding leaders which established the important

precedence at Nuremberg, and to the mission and the spirit of the

Dodd Center.

Thank you and God bless you all. (Applause.)

END

4:53 P.M. EDT