Published by: World Tibet Network News Tuesday, December 9th, 1997

The Gauntlet, (University of Calgary weekly Student Newspaper)

Date: December 4th, 1997

by Amanda Knoll

Tibet. It is known by many as the roof of the world. The natives of Tibet refer to it as the land surrounded by snow mountains. For most westerners it is indeed

all of this: Removed, remote and secluded on a high plateau in Southwestern

China. Tibet was at one time one of the largest powers in the Asian world.

Later, Tibetans sought isolation, desiring only to practice Buddhism and live in

harmony with the land. But for the last half century the nation that wanted

nothing but peace and prosperity has suffered at the hands of the oppressive

government of China and the bureaucratic diplomacy and economic greed of the

rest of the world.

In the distant past, Tibet's relations with China have been both friendly and

hostile. In 821 C.E., a peace treaty was signed between the two countries to end

200 years of fighting. It stated, "Tibetans shall be happy in Tibet and Chinese

shall be happy in China." Historically Tibet was only a part of China during the

Mongolian Yuan Dynasty's rule during the Middle Ages. When the Chinese Ming Dynasty took over, Tibet was again its own country. Tibetans never doubted their independence, and the nation began to withdraw from the world's stage.

The years leading up to the 20th Century hinted at what was in store for Tibet.

Despite its wish to remain detached from the rest of the world, Tibet was often the object of foreign nations' economic desires. Tibet became the focus of numerous treaties between Britain, Russia and China because of its strategic location where Asia meets the Middle East. Control of Tibet was often debated on paper, although Tibet was not generally a party to the treaties.

The last 90 years have been especially turbulent for Tibet and its people. In

1913, the 13th Dalai Lama declared that Tibet was a fully independent nation

and, save for a few small skirmishes, China never outright opposed the claim.

Tibet continued to withdraw from the rest of the world. Intense pressure from

the religious sect managed to prevent too much foreign in uence. Protests from

monks led the Dalai Lama to dismiss his British trained officers and to later

close English-language schools in Tibet.

However, the political upheaval in China was to have repercussions in Tibet as

well. In 1949 the Communist Party took control, proclaiming itself the People's

Republic of China and stating its desire to "liberate" Tibet. The following year

the People's Army invaded Tibet, overwhelming Tibet's army and claiming the

country as Chinese territory.

In the years following the invasion, Tibetans began to suVer from China's brutal

oppression.

Through treaties, often imposed, the Chinese government gained authority over

Tibet. China promised to leave Tibet's religious freedom and internal affairs

alone, but this was to be short lived. In 1959, building resentment against

Chinese rule led to a revolt resulting in the deaths of more than 80,000 Tibetans. After the uprising, the government resorted to more drastic means to

fortify its control. Thousands of monasteries were destroyed, Tibetans were

brutalized in labour camps and prisons, and Tibet experienced the horror of famine when grain was requisitioned under communist policies in the early 1960's.

Tibet's suffering was, and still is, heightened by diplomatic ineffectiveness. The world's response to the occupation was one of abhorrence, yet it did not

Result in action. Directly after the occupation, both Britain and the United

States were in favour of aiding Tibet, and hoped for India's vital support. However, the Indian government declined, as President Nehru didn't want to validate China's accusations that India's policies were in uenced by the west. After the 1959 uprising, the United Nations General Assembly called on China to respect human rights and condemned the government's actions, but little action

was taken.

The same obstacles have rendered the exiled 14th Dalai Lama politically ineffective. The Dalai Lama fled on horseback to India during the revolt and set

up the exiled Tibetan government there. Indian policy states that the Dalai Lama

is welcomed as a spiritual leader only, and discourages him from political

activity within India's borders, fearing possible consequences from China. In the past China has accused the Dalai Lama of inciting riots in Tibet. The government still refuses to negotiate with him, maintaining that he is welcome

back to Tibet as a Chinese citizen anytime.

Currently, the situation is much of the same for Tibetans. Western nations rarely speak out against China's occupation, as they, like India, do not want

to risk angering China. The economic ties with China and the potential to

exploit Tibet's rich natural resources are enough incentive not to take a stand.

Canada and the United States recently welcomed Chinese President Jiang Zemin

With 21-gun salutes, honour guards and white hats.

Lynn Chazotsang, President of the Tibetan Community of Alberta, is concerned

about the situation in Tibet. As a whole, the Chinese government has taken many

steps to oppress Tibetan culture. Chazotsang explains that anyone openly protesting China's rule or peacefully demonstrating for Tibetan independence

could face a long prison sentence or time in a labour camp. In one case, the

mere words "Free Tibet" were reason enough for a 15-year prison sentence.

The flag of Tibet is banned, as are pictures of the Dalai Lama, both of which are vital for religious Tibetans. Often monasteries are raided and monks taken to jail, where it is widely believed that they are beaten and tortured, even to the point of death.

Perhaps the best example of China's oppressive doctrine is the story of the young Panchen Lama. Chazotsang says the unknown fate of the six-year-old boy

is a large concern for Tibetans everywhere. In 1995 Gendun Choekyi Nyima was named the reincarnation of the deceased Panchen Lama. The government opposed the selection on grounds that the monks had not followed proper procedure, as they did not consult with China. Gendun and his family went missing and a government-approved child took his place.

The injustice Tibetans face can also be subtle. Soon after the occupation,

Chinese citizens began to immigrate in large numbers to Tibet. Enticed by the

government with good jobs, high wages and long vacations, it is estimated there

are now eight Chinese people for every Tibetan person. Today, to get around in

Tibet's largest city, Lhasa, one must be able to speak Chinese, not Tibetan.

Effectively, "Tibetans are now a minority in their own country," Chazotsang

says.

Chazotsang further explains that under Chinese rule, Tibetans now have to pay

for facilities, such as health care, that were free before. Most Tibetans earn

about four times less than Chinese workers. Tibetans are taught very little about their culture; instead they learn Chinese. The best students are taken to China where they are easily indoctrinated with Chinese propaganda.

One of the saddest results of the occupation is the "population control" imposed

by the Chinese government. Often, pregnant Tibetan women are rounded up by the government and given forced abortions. As a final indignity, the women must pay to have their unborn child's body returned for burial. Many cannot afford the price. Women in Tibet, in one case as young as 15, also face sterilization for the sake of "population control." Many times they are implanted with IUDs of poor quality. The metal can rust within the woman's womb. Her health then fails and she may not be able to afford the health care she needs.

Chazotsang sees the government's program as more than racism; to her and many

other Tibetans it is blatant genocide. It is ever more painful for Tibetans to see nothing being done by the western nations that could bring about change.

Chazotsang bitterly points out the hypocrisy in the foreign policies of countries like the United States and Canada. She says that while western

governments are always quick to declare they believe in the rights of women and

children, nothing concrete is being done about the Tibet situation

"In Tibet, children are not educated; women are not allowed to have children. There are no human rights. Yet the world is silent."

The politics surrounding Tibet are intricate, and unfortunately in the end they are dictated by economics, not human rights. China's view on Tibet is quite simple: It has always been a part of China, and Tibetans are simply one of

China's many minorities. Professor Leslie Kawamura, who teaches Religious Studies and coordinates East Asian Studies at the University of Calgary, offers an alternative opinion about the situation of Tibet. While he sees the Tibetan cause as worthy, he says that it is also important to look at Tibet from China's point of view. The Communist Chinese government is trying to keep China together.

Kawamura points out that it is not just the Tibetans who are oppressed, but that

the government "oppresses the Chinese of China as well, and Tiananmen Square is only one of such incidents."

Kawamura believes that many westerners are content in viewing China as the most violent, dictatorial aggressor.

"Canadians are shocked by events in China such as the Tibet incident and Tiananmen Square, yet seem unmoved by events like the Oka Crisis and the interning of Canadian-born Japanese during World War ii. The magnitude of these events is affected by ideologies, but isn't it in effect the same idea, a government trying to keep a country together?"

In light of President Jiang's recent visit to North America, economics are now

the biggest issue. Nima Dorjee, President of the Canada Tibet Committee, sums

up the role of consumerism in the plight of Tibet as, "it's how many Cokes we

can sell." He feels that the issue of Tibet has lost its importance; in the end, it's the west "salivating" over 1.2 billion possible Chinese consumers of western products.

The actions of Alberta's Business Community are a good example of such salivating. Presently China is Alberta's third-largest trading partner. During the World Petroleum Congress in Beijing earlier this fall, Premier Ralph

Klein called on Canadians to stop dwelling on violent events in China's past.

At the announcement of President Jiang's visit to Calgary, Klein commented that

"China represents extraordinary growth opportunities for Alberta businesses,"

adding that he looked forward to having the President of China and Alberta

business representatives get together and "talking business."

In the end, Jiang's trip to Calgary was great for business. Jiang announced the

opening of a Chinese Consulate in Calgary, and Northern Telecom signed a

$135 million deal with Chinese business. The issues of human rights or Tibet

were never discussed.

Protests and rallies accompanied Jiang during his trip across the United States

and Canada. Hollywood's offerings on Tibet and Communist China fueled the

anti-China wave. In Calgary, crowds of Canadian, Chinese and Tibetan protesters followed Jiang closely. As a smiling Jiang accepted a Calgary symbol of honour, a white Stetson hat, from Mayor Al Duerr, a sea of placards and cries of "Shame!" and "Free Tibet!" rose outside.

As for Jiang, the public opinion here is of little consequence. The people of

China will probably never hear about the protests that dogged him; instead, they

will be impressed with the deals he made, the pictures of him with important

western politicians, and possibly wearing Calgary's white hat. While in the

U.S., Jiang admitted that China has made mistakes in the past, but he expressed

no regrets and didn't promise any human rights concessions as U.S. President

Bill Clinton had hoped.

However, small changes may slowly be coming about--in the east and in the

west. The U.S. recently appointed a special diplomat to Tibet to aid the talks

between China and the Dalai Lama. Jiang's trip to the U.S. did not win China

America's approval to join the World Trade Organization, or most favoured

nation trading status. Also in China, prominent dissident Wei Jingsheng was

recently released on medical parole.

In spite of any positive changes, much remains the same in Tibet.

Leaders of western nations choose to ignore the public's protests and the lives

of Tibetans in favour of China's economic cookie jar. Chazotsang simplifies the

political situation with a carrot analogy. She sees Jiang holding a carrot out to the western leaders who don't see, or won't see, the gun he hides behind his back. Chazostang fears that, "When people finally see the gun, it will be too

late."