By Thomas W. Lippman

Washington Post Staff Writer

Administration Sees Provisions as Isolationist Bid to Preempt President

Sunday, May 21, 1995

The International affairs bills approved by key committees in the Senate and House last week contain dozens of far-reaching and controversial provisions that would force major changes in U.S. foreign policy in many areas, especially in relations with China.

Under the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's version of the State Department authorization bill, the President would be

required to recognize Tibet as an "occupied sovereign country" and appoint an ambassador to its "legitimate" government headed by the Dalai Lama. The House International Relations Committee bill contains similar language, and both versions contain several other provisions designed as challenges to Beijing.

The House version contains provisions that would reverse the Clinton administration's recent decision to ship intercepted Cuban refugees back to Cuba and would cut off aid to Russia because of arms sales to Iran. Such efforts by the Republican-controlled foreign policy committees have horrified Clinton administration officials and State Department foreign policy professionals, who regard them as efforts by isolationists to settle old scores with the remaining communist regimes and reduce teh U.S. role in the world. Public and me ia attention to the legislation has focused on provisions that would slash international affairs spending and eliminate the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the United States Information Agency and Agency for International Development, which administers foreign aid.

But the bills are also laden with sleeper provisions that

would affect U.S. participation in international peacekeeping and

relations with several countries in Asia and the Middle East.

The House bill would even involve the State Deptartment in

domestic child support disputes by authorizing revocation or

withholding of a passport from anyone more than $10,000 in arrears.

Speaking of the House version, which is closer to floor action than the Senate bill, Secretary of State Warren Christopher said yesterday that "due to its onslaught on the president's constitutional authority to manage foreign policy, if it reaches the president's desk in its current form, I would have not choice but to recommend he veto it."

Defense Secretary William J. Perry and Madeline K. Albright, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, are contemplating a similar recommendation, administration officials said.

Senior congressional Democrats such as Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.) and Rep. Lee H. Hamilton (Ind.) also have expressed

opposition to the legislation. The Republican, however, demonstrated tight party discipline in pushing the bills through

committee and toward quick floor action, with support of such

traditional foreign-policy moderates as Sens. Richard G. Lugar

(Ind.) and Nancy Landon Kassebaum (Kan.)

Some of the proposed provisions reflect the search for new

soures of revenue, and new places to cut spending, to meet coming

balanced budget mandates. For example, the Senate bill would require the director of the USIA-before his agency was abolished-

to conduct a six-month experiment in which Voice of America, Radio Marti and other U.S. goverment broadcast networks would acceptadvertising.

The House bill would require the closing of some embassies,challenging Christopher's desire to maintain "the principle of universality" of U.S. presence.

Some provisions reflect members' desire to answer old

questions or resolve long-standing issues. The House bill would

prohibit aid to Nicaragua pending an investigation into whether

the explosion of a clandestine arsenal there in May 1993 was

related to teh February 1993 World Trade Center bombing. The

House bill also would prohibit spending taxpayer dollars to

"further normalise" diplomatic relations with Vietnam until

Vietnam "accounts for all the American" prisoners of war and those missing in actions "from the Vietnam War," a task regarded by the Defense Department as impossible.

Some provisions were inserted to challenge specific policies of the Clinton administration.

The House version, for example, would prohibit use of U.S.

funds to pay for sending refugees back to their countries of origin against their will, a provision that would reverse the

administration's new policy of intercepting Cubans at sea and

sending them home.

Another section would ban aid to any country selling weapons to a terrorist state, a provison that would shut down aid to Russia if it continues to sell submarines and other arms to Iran.

Both versions take aim at China on several front in addition to Tibet, the mountanious country of grand vistas and soaring Buddhist temples where an uprising against Chinese rule was crushed by the Chinese army in 1959. The United States recognizes Chinese sovereignty over Tiebt, and any suggestion of U.S. support for independence would provoke outrage in Beijing. Other provisions targeted at China.

Both measures would grant political asylum to anyone subject to or fearful of involuntary sterlization or forced abortion, both of which China has been accused of using in its population control campaign.

Both versions would require President Clinton to allow the

president of Taiwan to enter the United States.

In the Senate version, the visit would occur this year and

President Li Teng-hui would be received "with all appropriate

courtesies" as a head of state. China claims sovereignty over

Taiwan. The Clinton administration has refused to grant a visa

for fear of offending Beijing.

The Senate bill would impose fines of up to $1million fo

repeat violators of a ban on importing goods made by prisoners of

"forced labor," another human rights violation of which China

frequently has been accused.