(Truth-Insistence)

by Samdhong Losang Tenzin Rimpoche, president of the Tibetan Parliament in exile

March 10th 1995

INTRODUCTION

Since the violent and oppressive invasion of Tibet by the communist Chinese, the Chinese have governed and continue to govern Tibet in an immoral and unprecedented way that contravenes both international law and the wishes of the Tibetan people. If the presence and identity of the Tibetan people and the continuation of Tibet's unique inner sciences along with her cultural traditions is useful for the people of the world, and if it is important to maintain social traditions that promote moral behavior and truthfulness, then there is no way to ignore the necessity of restoring Tibet's freedom. Tibet lost its freedom due to the blunders of the Tibetan people, and it is only due to the blunders of the Tibetan people that China has been able to maintain its illegal occupation Tibet. Hence, the restoration of Tibet's freedom can only be brought about by us, the Tibetan people; we should not expect that our freedom will be restored through the help of others or through some natural change in the situation. Tibet fi

nds itself in a serious and urgent situation, unlike other countries who could wait for many years for the success of their struggles for freedom.

Under the unparalleled leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan people and Tibetan government in exile have undertaken numerous movements, and we have thereby obtained greater international support. Nevertheless, His Holiness' efforts over many years to arrange peaceful negotiations between Tibet and China have proved unsuccessful, and as a result, he has on several occasions expressed his intention to propose a referendum to the Tibetan people regarding the manner in which to proceed in the future; it is certain that he will indeed formally initiate a referendum before long. Not only do we, the Tibetan people, need to prepare ourselves to express our ideas in this regard, but the situation in Tibet has; become so serious that we cannot bear to delay even for a single day. Hence, I think it crucial that we begin a movement as quickly as possible, whatever the outcome, and we must do so unapologetically without becoming engrossed in scrutinizing and debating whether we will achieve a favorable r

esult. Therefore, I will here simply put before you the conclusion of all that I have thought and experienced over the last thirty-five years: a concise plan for a movement of non-violent, Satyagraha ('Truth-Insistence'). This is just my own humble suggestion, so I in no way insist that others agree with it. I also do not intend to convince others through logical argument. However, if any impartial person who sees the need to restore Tibet's independence and who trusts in the path of truth and non-violence were to feel that my suggestions make sense and thereby were to take some interest in them, I would most warmly welcome him. Moreover, I would hope that such people will take part, either directly or indirectly, in this Truth Movement.

My resolve to aid others has not reached its fullest potential,

Yet I feel that we must not put our hopes in others' help.

We must ourselves strive to free Tibet for others' sake

Without inadvertently doing any harm to others.

This is what I think, as an insignificant man

Who first planted his feet on the soils of Tibet,

But has lived most of his life in India's holy land.

This man sincerely yearns for a spiritual life,

But the acts of previous lives have thrown him into politics.

He hopes for neither power nor position,

has no enemies to defeat, no friends to protect,

This drifter has no need of politics,

But yearning for world-peace, he has blurted out these words.

Homage to the immaculate, supreme mind of love.

Tibet is a land where people are naturally gentle, slow to anger and mostly compassionate, and where religion and moral culture abound. The beautiful environment of Tibet is filled with lofty mountains, clear streams, cool breezes, and abundant grasses, plants and forests. Politically, Tibet was a fully sovereign nation from the time of the very first written records up until 1951. Although at times it may appear from the outside that China was in control, such appearances are only due to the lack of political savvy -and sophistication on the part of us Tibetans; it is also due to China's ability to take advantages of our innocent political attitudes through unabated imperialism, and thereby confuse us through deceit and treachery. In fact, according to the international law, Tibet has never been under Chinese control, nor has Tibet ever been a part of China. The fact of Tibet's independence holds true from the time when the Tibetan ruler Choghyel Pagpa took political control of Tibet in the thirteenth centu

ry until the signing under duress of the Seventeen Point Agreement after communist China violent invasion of Tibet in 1951.

Soon after the formation of the communist government in China the Chinese perpetrated an illegal and violent invasion of Tibet. The Tibetan people were unable to withstand the invaders, and Tibet thus fell into Chinese hands. The primary reasons for this situation are as follows. In the minds of the Tibetan people, upright and considerate attitudes had lost their value, and trust in the peaceful path of no violence and the law of karmic retribution had declined. Members of religious orders failed to follow their moral codes and in both public and in private they were mostly occupied with sales, profits, usury economic affairs, and other unspiritual matters. Truly religious persons were relegated to the lower rungs of society, and for the most part, people who behaved in a whollv unspiritual manner had assumed responsibilities both within and outside of the government. In short, people had assumed power by destroying our spiritually-oriented national laws and religious morality, and most of our leaders were i

nvolved in immoral practices aimed simply at fulfilling their own self-interests. As a result, the citizens of Tibet had lost their trust, love, and enthusiasm for their own country and government. Even though Tibet was renowned as a spiritual land, monasteries were battered in armed struggles, and monks were compelled to become combatants. Theseconditions and events cause amazement and dismay in people who understand spirituality, and if one thinks carefully about such conditions, one will realize that the loss of Tibettan independence is due largely to the situation in Tibet itself, rather than simply beinig the result of a foreign army's power.

Thus, when the time came for the fruition of our collective negative karma, we Tibetans had to bear unprecedented and unparalleled suffering, of all kinds. Under the violent oppression of the Chinese, at least 1.2 million Tibetans lost their lives through all kinds of torture and atrocity. Thousands of religious institutions, priceless ancient artifacts and works of art were destroyed, and an attempt was even made to eradicate our religions and culture itself. Our forests and mineral resources were devastated, and the environment of Tibet has fallen into a state of deplorable ecological imbalance. These experiences of ceaseless, utter suffering are the result of our own collective karma; it is not something that can be blamed on others.

Even from a purely political point of view, the Tibetan people, and particularly the people in power, lacked political understanding and sophistication. Hence,

1) we were unable to change the political system in Tibet in accord with changing times;

2) we were unable to establish international relations that would clarify to the nations of the world the full extent of our independence;

3) we wasted a precious opportunity, from 1913 to 1949, and instead remained aloof from the international community;

4) since the internal political situation was not properly managed, the people's capacity for unity and patriotism was limited;

5) our neighbors such as India wished to cooperate with us, but we were unable to instill in them the confidence that we were capable of governing and ruling ourselves.

These initial conditions contributed to the ease with which China invaded and occupied Tibet, but more particularly, the Tibetan people, leave alone protecting their own country, were unable to resist cooperating with the Chinese by giving them lodging food, transportation and so on; we were unable to resist taking Chinese money and goods. Instead, Tibetans unhesitatngly sold off their country, for the sake of money and goods and their own narrow self-interests, including even the most petty vengeance. Due to these shameless activities, the Chinese were easily able to invade Tibet, and other countries, such as India, were unable to support Tibet directly. We the Tibetan people created this situation ourselves. And the fact that the Chinese are still able to occupy Tibet and settle many Chinese people in Tibet is either directly or indirectly the result of the continued cooperation and compliance of Tibetans. Hence, freeing ourselves from this situation is something that only we Tibetans can do; there is no c

hance of it coming about simply through the help of others or through some external change. Therefore, all the Tibetan people must, with united hearts and minds, courageously begin a Satyagraha Movement, for Truth is always victorious- and Truth is on our side.

One can rationally demonstrate that, not just in the case of Tibetan society but in the entire global community, suffering comes about as a result of not faithfully putting into practice the peaceful path of nonviolence. All the problems that the Tibetan people experience, from a simple headache up to the lossof our sovereign independence, are undoubtedly the result of our previous violent deeds. Hence, the only way to rid ourselves of these problenms is to rely uniquely on a path of nonviolence, which will stand in opposition to our previous violence. If one were instead to engage in violent activities out of anger and hatred, one would simply be adding more causes for future suffering; actually, eliminating suffering through violent deeds is obviously out of the question. We criticize the Chinese for the harm they have caused us Tibetans, but if we ourselves choose to harm others, how can we criticize the Chinese?

Therefore, as His Holiness the Dalai Lama has advised, if all Tibetans were able to sincerely trust and put into practice the nonviolent path of peace, we could restore our freedome without difficulty. Hence, all of the Tibetan people, both at home and in exile, must join together in complete unanimity and immediately undertake a Truth Movement to restore Tibet's freedom through the nonviolent path of peace. Such a movement must be undertaken with a well ordered plan in mind, so in the following pages I will briefly discuss the types of actions included in such a movement and outline a well ordered plan for it.

1. THE NECESSITY OF RESTORING TIBET'S FREEDM

The idea that Tibet's freedom must be restored is not politically

motivated, nor is it based upon some nation-state theory. Our struggle is not primarily an ethnic or political struggle. Rather, all people born in the spiritual land of Tibet have a universal responsibility to all beings, and the fulfillment of that responsibility is a duty that we all incur simply by the fact of our births. If we do not live up to that birth-duty, then we are not worthy of being Tibetans, and we are unable to act in a way that does justice to our heritage. Not only is there nothing more rude and base than being unable to live up to one's birth-duty, but even from a worldly point of view, one scarcely merits the humanity that one enjoys. What is the responsibility of which I speak? It is the preservation and dissemination of the unique inner sciences and cultural traditions that were preserved and enhanced over thousands of years by the Tibetans of early generations, who considered them to be more precious than their own lives. In these modern times, those traditions are closely linked to t

he well being of all peoples. If the Tibetan people do not manage to preserve those cultural traditions and they then disappear as a result of Chinese occupation, it will be a great loss not only for Tibetans, but for the whole world. The Tibetan people cannot completely protect those cultural traditions if they do not attain freedom and if natural ecological balance without exploitation is not restored to Tibet. Therefore, our ultimate goal is not just political freedom for Tibet. Rather, our ultimate goal is the preservation, maintenance, and dissemination of the sublime cultural traditions of the unique inner sciences for the sake of the whole world. However, without the proper means and favorable conditions, it is not possible for us to fulfill that responsibility. We therefore must first undertake the spiritual practice of liberating Tibet without delay.

Even if one thinks in strictly political terms, Tibet is distinct from China in terms of ethnicity, language, philosophy, and literature. Indeed, every significant aspect of Tibetan culture is distinct from China. Historically, Tibet enjoyed complete independence until the Chinese invasion; even now no Tibetan wishes to remain under Chinese rule. For all these reasons, we have the right to be an independent nation. In addition, from an international perspective the presence of a buffer state between the two most populous Asian countries - India and China - would promote regional peace. Geographically, Tibet is the highest country in the world and the source of most of Asia's largest rivers; hence, Tibet's environment is of prime international importance. But most importantly, Tibet is closely linked to the security and stability of neighboring nations such as India, Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar. Indeed, Tibet's independence would be extremely beneficial even for China. In short, if the international community f

elt that it could not allow Iraq to occupy Kuwait, then there is no reason whatsoever why China should be allowed to occupy Tibet. Until Tibet is freed from Chinese occupation, this stain on the development of modern civilization will not be removed, and the savage law of the jungle will undoubtedly persist into the twenty-first century.

Hence, the restoration of Tibet's freedom is important not just to Tibetans; it is also of great importance to the international community for the clear advantages that it offers. But unlike other countries' struggles for freedom, Tibet's freedom is not something for which we can wait for many generations; rather, we must act with great urgency. At this point, then, I will list some reasons why we must recognize that our extremely precious time is running out with each passing day.

1. If we are unable to quickly restore our freedom, Tibet will soon become Chinese, and the Tibetan people will become a minority in their own country. The spiritual practice of liberating Tibet is undertaken for the sake of the philosophies and practices contained within Tibetan learning, culture and inner sciences. But if we do not act quickly, these things may well be irretrievably lost. Even should Tibet gain its freedom after that point, our only gain would be purely political freedom.

2. If we do not have the guidance of His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama for some time after the restoration of our freedom, it is certain that we will be unable to build a new Tibet in accord with our goals, and it is even possible that we would be unable to maintain our freedom.

3. If we do not restore Tibet's freedom within a few years, and if communist China continues to develop economically and strengthen itself politically, then within some ten years China may become a country of unchallengable strength. Even if China were to become democratic and peaceful, the restoration of Tibet's freedom might become even more difficult.

For the reasons listed above, the spiritual practice of restoring Tibet's freedom must have some clear result no later than 1997-1998, and with such a result as our immediate goal, we must undertake a Satyagraha Movement.

II. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF FREE TIBET

In accord with the vision of His Holiness the Dalai Lama,after the restoration of freedom Tibet will be a demilitarized zone of peace free of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons; it will be a center of environmental protection, and it will follow Buddhist economic principles that avoid all extremes. Free Tibet will be a wellspring of the unique culture of the inner sciences, a country that will seek to alleviate the many sufferings inflicted upon people by modern society. It will be a distinctive, spiritual, and authentically democratic nation, replete with those characteristics of old Tibet that stem from a worldview based on love, and yet ornamented by the positive aspects of modernity that do not contradict those compassionate principles. Free Tibet will set be a model political system, and it will help maintain peace and goodwill throughout the world, especially Asia. It is for this kind of future Tibet that we must now strive.

III. METHODS

In our spiritual practice of restoring Tibet's freedom, our method is uniquely the non-violent path of peace. Hence, all Tibetans, both at home and in exile, must strive to gain confidence in the non-violent path of peace; they must likewise strive to put that path into practice. The non-violent path of peace is a technique for particularly courageous people. Of course, the fainthearted and cowardly will find it difficult to imagine, but even those who have no confidence in the instructions of the inner sciences and the workings of karmic cause and effect will not easily understand the principles of this technique. Many simpleminded people think that if we earnestly practice the non-violent path of peace, we do so simply because China's enormous population and military strength leave no other choice for us Tibetans, who are few in number and militarily weak. According to these people, - if we had the capacity to wage war against China, it would be perfectly acceptable to restore our freedom through military

operations. Many people do think this way, but it is a serious mistake. Indeed, it is an indication that they have no confidence in the non-violent path of peace. Whether one has confidence in the principle of karmic causality whereby virtue results in happiness and non-virtue results in suffering- or whether one views the situation from a purely political standpoint, the philosophical understanding here is that one cannot achieve faultless goals if one does not rely on faultless methods. It is with this philosophical understanding that one must practice the nonviolent path of peace, for it is only through this understanding that one can authentically refrain from all violence. If one were instead to practice non-violence with some intent to deceive others, then it would be far better if one were not to participate at all. Despite the fact that violence could guarantee Tibet's independence by tomorrow, we must firmly vow never to resort to it. Until we can make such a promise, our non-violent path of peace w

ill be neither perfected nor powerful.

IV. PUTTING THE METHODS INTO PRACTICE

There can be no authentic Non-violent Peace Movement thatis not based upon the truth. In a certain sense, truth and non-violence are synonymous. One might wonder how we should use the non-violent path of peace to perform the spiritual practice of liberating Tibet. The answer is that we must recognize that the truth is on our side, and with that recognition, we must engage in a Satyagraha Campaign. With this in mind, I here briefly list some of the truths to which we can lay claim.

1. It is true that Tibet is a spiritual land where the people earn their livelihoods in a spiritual and moral manner.

2. It is true that Tibet has enjoyed complete independence for the vast majority of the time from the earliest social formations until 1951.

3. It is true that the communist Chines'e military invasion of 1949 and the subsequent forceful colonization of Tibet violates international law.

4. It is true that according to international law, the Seventeen Point Agreement that Tibetans were forced to sign under intense duress is not valid; not only is it not valid, but the Chinese themselves have failed to adhere to even a single point, and in doing so they have effectively annulled the agreement. Therefore, it is true that the seventeen point agreement should not at all be considered valid evidence for the claim that Tibet is part of China.

5. It is true that during the more than forty years since the Chinese invasion the Tibetans have been deprived of their human rights; the religious and cultural traditions of Tibet have been devastated; Tibet's economy has been exploited; the Tibetan people have faced immeasurable oppression, torture and brutality; the Tibetan people have become less populous due to the deliberate population transfer of Chinese into Tibet; a deliberate attempt has been made to destroy our culture and our very identity; and Tibet's environment has been severely harmed. It is true that as a result of these and other atrocities, the Tibetan people have been wracked with suffering without even the least opportunity for happiness, and it is true that this way of governing Tibet has never accorded with the aspirations of the Tibetan people.

6. It is true that the vast majority of the Tibetan people object to the Chinese occupation and fervently yearn to restore Tibet's independence.

7. It is true that Tibet is not part of China, and except for China's illegal occupation of Tibet, neither the Tibetan head of state nor the Tibetan people themselves have ever legitimately agreed to accede to China. Therefore, it is true that a movement to free Tibet from illegal rule is in no way a threat to China's territorial integrity.

8. It is true that we Tibetans are a distinct people with our own ethnicity, language, customary clothing, and cultural traditions. Hence, it is true that the Tibetan people have theright to self determination, and this right has been clearly affirmed in the United Nations resolutions of 1961 and 1965; the Verdict of the Permanent Tribunal of Peoples: Session on Tibet (Strasbourg, France, 1992); the proceedings of the Session on Issues Relating to Self-Determination and Independence for Tibet of the Conference of International Lawyers (London, 1993); the Statement of Action of the Conference of European Parliamentarians (Palace of Westminster, 1993); and the New Delhi Declaration of the World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet (New Delhi, 1994). Not only was our right to self-determination affirmed in these contexts, but many scholars have made numerous clear and explicit statement about this matter. Based on their findings, it is true that we the Tibetan people meet all the definitions of a distinctive pe

ople according to international law, and we clearly have the right to self-determination.

9. It is true that the Tibetan people have a responsibility to the world to protect, maintain, and disseminate our unique traditions of moral behavior and inner sciences.

10. It is true that this responsibility cannot be fully met if freedom is not restored to the Tibetan people.

11. Hence, it is true that the restoration of our freedom is the birth-duty of every Tibetan.

The above mentioned truths are not hypothetical, nor are they some form of political propaganda. Rather, they are truths that can be confirmed through either one's own senses or through indisputable evidence. Hence, as truths, they cannot be erased or rendered untrue through irrational arguments and illegitimate force. This is the nature of truth. The Chinese continue to occupy Tibet by disregarding and trampling on these truths, and the fact that they can do so stems either from our lack of faith in the truth of the aforementioned truths, or from our lack of the courage needed to persevere in bringing them to their culmination. All the Tibetan people, both at home and in exile, must recognize these truths immediately, and with confidence in them, we must unhesitatingly and single-mindedly undertake a Satyagraha Movement in order to bring these truths to their culmination.

V. PLAN FOR A SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT

Since His Holiness the Dalai Lama went into exile in India, much has been done in the attempt to restore Tibet's freedom. Accurate information has been disseminated throughout the world; frequent representations have been made to the United Nations; the Draft of the Constitution of Future Tibet has been formulated and disseminated; the Tibetan government in exile has been fully democratized, and numerous other activities have been undertaken. In addition, in 1979 the Chinese leader Deng Xiao Ping indicated that with the exception of complete independence, all other issues could be resolved through peaceful negotiations. Accordingly, many gestures, such as the repeated dispatch of delegations to Tibet and China, were made in an attempt to bring about a peacefully negotiated settlement between Tibet and China. In a continuation of these efforts, His Holiness draftedhis Five Point Peace Plan in 1987, and in 1988 he presented the Strasbourg Proposal before the European Parliament. Although he has made every poss

ible effort to bring about a peaceful settlement, the Chinese have in no way acted in accordance with their earlier statements concerning their willingness to seek such a settlement.

Direct contacts and discussions with China have at this point been suspended, and an appeal has been made to persuade the Chinese through international pressure. In his March Tenth Message of 1994, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has publicly stated that if the appeal for international pressure does not lead to a satisfactory result within an acceptable period of time, then he will ask the Tibetan people for their opinion on the best way to proceed in the future. Judging by the way that the Chinese tend to proceed, it seems rather unlikely that international pressure will actually bring the Chinese to the negotiating table at this point. As for the future, if the Tibetan people, especially the Tibetans in Tibet, do not attempt to restore Tibet's freedom by undertaking a serious movement that will clearly indicate their aspirations, then it seems unlikely that international pressure and support will have much effect on its own. Hence we, the Tibetan people, must now prepare ourselves to submit a well ordered plan

of action when the time comes for His Holiness the Dalai Lama to ask us for our opinion. This plan for a Satyagraha Movement is therefore submitted to the people for their consideration.

In short, the plan is as follows: if the Chinese authorities do not make progress that is satisfactory to the Tibetan people toward a peaceful settlement of the Tibetan issue through feasible and acceptable policies by the end of 1995, then from March 10, 1996 all of the Tibetan people both at home and in exile will with united hearts and minds begin a Non-Violent Total Satyagraha Movement. This is what we must decide to do.

VI.REQUIRED QUALIFICATIONS OF A SATYAGRAHA ACTIVIST

1. Through unshakable faith and confidence in truth and the non-violent path of peace, one must maintain proper ethical conduct (as is specified separately), which consists in part of never speaking falsehoods and never harming others. This conduct must have been maintained not less than three months before entering the Movement.

2. One must have no anger, hatred, or intent to harm the objects of our resistance, the governmental officials and workers of commmunist China and all those siding with them.

3. When engaged in Satyagraha activism, one must have the courage never to respond to violence with violence, nor to use violence to protect oneself no matter how much one is beaten, imprisoned, tormented and tortured.

4. When undertaking the Satyagraha Movement to restore Tibet's independence, one should not consider it a political movement, nor some mundane activity, nor a campaign calculated to hurt the Chinese. Instead, one must recognize and believe that one is engaged in the spiritual practice of restoring Tibet's independence for the sake of all sentient beings.

5. Participating in the Movement, one should in no way expect to gain fame, glory, political or economic profit, or recognition for one's notable accomplishments and the like.

6. One should not at any point remind others of one's contributions nor expect to receive credit, for one has abandoned all such notions. In particular, after the restoration of freedom one must have no expectation whatsoever of any political position, social status, financial support, or any other benefit for oneself or one's relations. And even if such an offer is made in free Tibet, one must firmly vow to decline it unless there is some clear and pressing need.

7. In all matters such as clothing, lodging, furnishings and so on, one must lead a life free of extremes; one must not participate in unethical ways of making a living, and one must have little desire for wealth.

8. One must never participate in any activities whatsoever, whether public or private, that are dishonest or untruthful.

9. One must see to it that one's family members, such as children and aged parents, are not dependent upon oneself for support; if they are dependent, then one must receive their permission.

10. One must have no outstanding loans, no accounts to be settled, no liabilities to manage, and no other such responsibilities to be met.

11. One must never break one's vow of truth and non-violence, even at the cost of one's life.

12. One must not transgress those rules which from time to time are legitimately drafted by the leaders of the Satyagraha Movement.

VII. DECISIONS REQUIRED OF A SATYAGRAHA ACTIVIST

One must firmly make the following decisions:

1. From the moment that one enlists in the Satyagraha Movement, one must never abandon it until the Movement's announced goals have been met or every single activist has perished without exception.

2. No matter how much misery and hardship one faces in body and mind, one must persevere and never abandon one's activism as long as one lives.

3. Regardless of how much one is praised or reviled, if one's motivation is flawless, then one can never be dissuaded, no matter how many comments others make.

VIII. POINTS TO BE UNDERSTOOD

A Satyagraha activist must clearly understand the following points.

1. One needs to understand from the very beginning that not only is it quite likely that one might well have to die soon after beginning one's activism, but it is possible that all ofthe members of the Movement will die, or that the goals of the Movement will not be achieved. But in any case, all members of the Movement will die within some seventy years. Hence, in as much as one must die either way, rather than dying a few years later without fulfilling one's birth-duty, it is clearly preferable to die a few years earlier while in the process of fulfilling one's birth-duty, Even if one is not willing to die right now, how can one be guaranteed that one will live for any extended period of time?

2. Our goals might not be achieved even though everyone in the movement has perished, but all contemporary Tibetans will one day die even if we do not begin a Truth Movement. More importantly, whether the movement is unsuccessful or we fail to engage in a movement, our culture and our ethnic identity will perish in either case. In as much as all would be lost one way or the other, rather than doing nothing and waiting for everything to be destroyed on its own, it is clearly preferable -no matter how one argues- that we lose everything while attempting to fulfill our birth-duty.

IX. FORMS OF SATYAGRAHA

The movement encompasses two forms of Satyagraha: personal and collective. From the day that a person who wishes to join the Movement has met all of the qualifications listed in topic 6, he or she can engage in any feasible form of Satyagraha suited to the time and place without depending on collective plans, and such a person may engage in Satyagraha whether inside or outside of Tibet. Many forms of personal Satyagraha are easy to perform, so everyone should continually engage in them; personal Satyagraha should be particularly emphasized when the time is not ripe for collective Satyagraha.

Collective Satyagraha must be performed by a group of at least five people, and it must be accompanied by a plan. The plan must be suitable to the time and place, and it must be adhered to when one engages in collective Satyagraha.

X. THE STAGES OF THE MOVEMENT

1. Personal Satyagraha can be performed at any time or place, so it does not need to be regulated according to a specific sequence or stages of action.

2. Collective Satyagraha will begin from a previously specified date. From that date those Tibetans in exile who wish to participate in the movement and who have met all of the qualifications will abandon all their property and assets for the duration of the Movement and return to Tibet to engage in Satyagraha.

3. From that same date, those people in Tibet who have enlisted in the Movement will collectively begin Satyagraha activism in their respective areas.

4. After assessing how many Satvagraha activists are available, they should be assigned to proportionally sized units. After the earlier activist units of the Satyagraha Movement havebeen decimated through death, injury and imprisonment, a second unit should emerge after one or two days. The Movement should be sustained in this manner.

XI. TYPES OF SATYAGRAHA

The specific forms of Non-Violent Total Satvagraha must be

determined in the context of the time and place of the intended activism; the current demands of the Movement must also be taken into account. Hence, it is not possible to fully describe all possible forms of activism at this point. In a rough sense, however, Satyagraha activism consists of Civil Disobedience, Non-Cooperation, and Passive Resistance. Below are listed some examples of such activism.

1. Activists will completely disregard all unacceptable orders and directives of the Chinese central government and the Chinese controlled regional and provincial governments in the Tibetan area.

2. Activists will neither cooperate with nor participate in any governmental or public work that forms part of a project initiated and/or controlled by the central, regional or local governments of communist China.

3. All activists who work in offices, schools, factories or other work places that are under the control of any department or office of the Central, regional or local Chinese governments will resign from any such work place.

4. Activists will not purchase, sell, own, keep or use any item that has been produced by the Chinese government or by Chinese people.

5. Activists will not visit or patronize any restaurant, store, or hotel that is administered by the Chinese government or by Chinese people.

6. All activist students and teachers in any school will refuse to study or teach the Chinese language or any form of Chinese studies.

7. Activists will not employ Chinese in any undertaking, whether at a construction site or in a simple tailor or barber shop.

8. Activists will not be partners with any Chinese in any undertaking, whether it be in retail, service, agriculture or industry.

9. In short, Activists will in no way associate or cooperate with any activity that is in any way related -whether directly, indirectly, or marginally- to the Chinese occupation of Tibet, the population transfer of Chinese into Tibet, or the destruction of the Tibetan environment. Through daily assemblies in the streets of each city, town and village, activists will peacefully resist without any violence whatsoever; activists will not even defend themselves with the poles of their flags and placards, letalone use actual weapons. Activists will shout slogans of resistance and will ceaselessly make known their current demands both vocally and in writing.

10. One may engage in any other form of activism that is consistent with the principles of Satyagraha and its methods such as non-cooperation and passive resistance. When engaged in any such activity, one must do so according to plan and in a fashion that is suitable to the time and place. Although one will certainly have to endure stoically such hardships as enforced starvation, one must not deliberately sacrifice one's life through fasting, self-immolation, and so on.

XII. THE DEMANDS OF OUR SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT

The demands that are to be initially made by the Satyagraha Movement should not be impossible to satisfy, nor should they even be particularly difficult to satisfy. Instead, it is crucial to begin the movement with demands that we have reasonably determined to be feasible. Below, then, are listed some demands that could be made at the outset of the movement.

1. The population transfer of Chinese into Tibet must be ceased immediately.

2. Human rights must no longer be violated in Tibet.

3. Tibetan political prisoners must be immediately released.

4. Tibet's environment must be protected, and in particular, the conducting of nuclear tests, construction of nuclear facilities, and dumping of nuclear waste must be immediately ceased.

5. The political system must be immediately democratized.

If there is initially some acceptable result of the Satyagraha Movement due to one or more of the above demands being met, then in the second stage we should demand that the Tibetan people be given an opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination. What should be done after that point will follow naturally from the results of the previous operations.

XIII. INEVITABLE OBSTACLES TO THE SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT

The Satyagraha Movement faces many possible impediments and obstacles, but most are little cause for concern. However, the two most serious obstacles could prove problematic. They are:

1. Satyagraha activists will face immeasurable torture and torment, and our tormentors will use every conceivable method to arouse our anger. In doing so, they will attempt to incite activists to employ violence and falsehood, and it is possible that some will break their vow of non-violence. Another possibility is that our opponents will recruit and infiltrate their agents into the Satyagraha Movement; these agents will then attempt to incite others to violence.

2. Trough vague and false statements, and with the pretext of seeking some means of arranging a settlement, time will be wasted in meaningless discussion that are intended to stop the Truth Movement.We will need to face these two eventualities with great skill and vigilance.

XIV. DISSEMINATION OF INFORMATION CONCERNING THE SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT

The Truth Movement does not seek publicity, nor is it a means to garner international support. It will be necessary to present statements that specify our demands to the governmental authorities of the pertinent regions as well as the officials of the Chinese central government. But except for such statements, one should not on one's own publicize the movement to the news media. Nevertheless, the movement need not be kept secret, so when requested one should promptly and clearly explain the situation to media representatives or any other interested person.

XV. FINANCIAL SUPPORT FOR THE MOVEMENT

A mechanism needs to be established for the gathering of funds that have been properly accumulated by the activists themselves for the sake of the Movement. Such funds must not have been acquired through any unethical livelihood. The Movement may also accept donations that are not stained by unethical livelihood and are made without any expectation of return, including the expectation of fame or improved status.

XVI. SUPPORTERS OF THE SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT

Some people will wish to support the Movement without actually participating as activists. These people could perform duties such as the raising of funds, the maintenance of public relations, the gathering and dissemination of information, and the preparation of publications. Such duties could be performed either for the entire period of the Movement or for a specified time. Supporters may engage in such duties if they meet the following qualifications from topic 6: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, and 12.

XVII. A RESPONSE TO SKEPTICISM ABOUT SATYAGRAHA

There are many persons who remark that our Satyagraha Movement is entirely dissimilar to Gandhi's satyagraha, which was conducted while India was under British rule; nor is our movement similar to movements that have been conducted in democratic countries. Instead, China is a country with a huge population and enormous military forces that has an immoral, unethical and shameless government with no rule of law nor any respect whatsoever for either human rights or the concerns of the international community. These skeptics go on to say that under such conditions, there is not only no way to begin a Satyagraha Movement, but were it somehow to begin, participating in it would be tantamount to suicide.

Although many people do think this way, the fact remains that if the path of truth and non-violence is truly powerful, it must be capable of overcoming anything it faces. And if it is faced withlawless brutality, the path of truth and non-violence will necessarily become even more potent. When truth confronts falsehood and non-violence confronts violence, the stronger force will be the one that is more valid; the fact that one's opponents have more brute force does not mean that they will thereby have greater strength. When we say that Buddha S:akyamuni overwhelmed billions of demonic forces with a single meditation on love, we are not recounting a simple story; instead, I feel that we are speaking of a rationally supported symbol of the power of truth and non-violence. Finally, even if participating in such a movement were to be tantamount to suicide, I have already remarked that we must die one way or the other. So rather than die having led an empty and meaningless life, it is far more meaningful and mor

e in keeping with the demands of history to die while engaged in the spiritual practice of truth and non-violence for the sake of our nation and its spiritual traditions.