_________________ WTN-L World Tibet Network News _________________

Published by: The Canada Tibet Committee

Editorial Board: Brian Given, Conrad Richter, Nima Dorjee,

Tseten Samdup, Thubten (Sam) Samdup

WTN Editors: wtn-editors@tibet.ca

______________________________________________________________________

Issue ID: 00/03/13 Compiled by Thubten (Sam) Samdup

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Monday, March 13, 2000 (I)

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Contents:

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1. Call to preserve Tibetan culture

2. 'Solving Tibet will fix China's problems with West'

3. 'Tibet will be autonomous within a decade or two'

4. Anti-Dalai Lama conference held in Kathmandu

5. China Voices Support For Chechen Crackdown

6. Training the Mind

7. Eclectic Grass-Roots Campaigns Emerge on China Trade Debate

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1. Call to preserve Tibetan culture

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By Kalpana Sharma

MUMBAI, MARCH 12. (The Hindu) -- A packed house of Mumbai's citizens

listened in rapt attention to the Tibetan leader, the Dalai Lama, as he

opened a week-long Festival of Tibet here on Sunday.

Organised by the Tibetan Youth Congress and Friends of Tibet, India, the

festival would showcase the art, dance, crafts and religion of Tibet.

Speaking with characteristic simplicity, the Dalai Lama talked about the

relevance of preserving the ancient but endangered Tibetan culture. ``In

the last one year, the situation in my own country is very serious, very

sad,'' he said. ``Whether intentionally, or unintentionally, some kind

of cultural genocide is taking place. Therefore, we, the refugee

community, have to preserve this rich and ancient culture.'' He said he

appreciated the support to Tibetans from Indian people in this

endeavour.

Tibetan culture had synthesised many different cultures, he said and

described the choices Tibetans faced as they stood on ``the roof of the

world''.

Tibetan medicine, too, synthesised many different systems including

Ayurveda, Chinese traditional medicine and Unani medicine.

The Dalai Lama dwelt at length on the issue of compassion. ``I believe

that Tibetan spirituality, its unique cultural heritage, is very much

based on compassion. We can describe Tibetan culture as the culture of

peace.''

Drawing a distinction between culture and religion, he said the former

related to society while religion related to the individual. As an

example he spoke of Tibetan Muslims, who spoke the Tibetan language and

followed its cultural practices.

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2. 'Solving Tibet will fix China's problems with West'

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By Ashish Kumar Sen

San Francisco, March 11

American film producer Robin Garthwait has a solution to ease China's

diplomatic woes: Resolve the impasse over Tibet.

Pointing out that Beijing is desperate to gain the respect of the West,

Garthwait, who along with her filmmaker husband Dan Griffin, has a

string of short films on Tibet to her credit, feels China's harsh

policies in Tibet have been impacting that goal, making it so much

harder for the West to accept it.

"Instead of hammering Tibetans, China must reach out to them, to the

Dalai Lama, and reciprocate his desire for a peaceful solution. It is

with this one gesture that the entire problem can be resolved

overnight," she says, adding: "The Berlin Wall came crashing down in the

blink of an eye. Why can't a similar solution be reached here? Foreign

aid will come pouring into China, diplomatic relations will improve

drastically and tourism will witness a boost."

The filmmaker/producer couple's most recent production, Tibet's Stolen

Child, is a 60-minute documentary film narrated by actor Patrick Stewart

and features interviews with Nobel laureates Archbishop Desmond Tutu,

Elie Wiesel, Jose Ramos-Horta, John Hume, Mairead Maguire and the Dalai

Lama on the kidnapping of the Tibetan Panchen Lama.

The film, which explores events leading up to the disappearance of the

boy lama - Tibet's second-most powerful religious head, will be screened

at the Festival of Tibet 2000 starting in Mumbai on Sunday and running

up to March 17.

In 1995, the Dalai Lama identified Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as the 11th

Panchen Lama. In retaliation, the Chinese placed the then six-year-old

boy and his family under house arrest. Recent rumours that a young boy,

similar in appearance to the Panchen Lama, had been cremated at a

Chinese prison camp disturbed Tibetans already agitated by a blackout of

information on their religious leader. Despite repeated attempts the

Chinese have denied all requests for access to the boy though they admit

to holding him in protective custody. The Chinese also went ahead and

replaced the Dalai Lama's selection with their choice of Panchen Lama.

East Timor leader Jose Ramos-Horta tells Garthwait: "When a permanent

member of the Security Council engages in this kind of extortion,

kidnapping, coercion of an enormously important symbol for an entire

people, for an entire belief, I think it's very serious." "The Chinese

have imposed a very effective news blanket," says Garthwait.

"The question is whether he is still alive and well. We searched for

some kind of indication to his well being but it proved very

frustrating." In the documentary Garthwait draws an interesting parallel

between the problem in Tibet and unrest in regions like East Timor and

Northern Ireland.

"Tibet is very far away for people in the West. By drawing these

comparisons it opens up the cause and simplifies it for the

understanding of people outside Tibet," she explains.

Many Tibetans are concerned that the boy lama is being denied the kind

of education necessary for him to able to act out his role as Tibet's

second-highest religious head. The Dalai Lama is the most revered of

Tibet's Buddhist monks.

"The Chinese say there will be no more Dalai Lamas. It is not the domain

of the Chinese government to decide whether or not there will be any

more Dalai Lamas," Garthwait says, recalling that the Dalai Lama had

told her in an interview that if he felt conditions were not suitable

for him to continue his work in this world, he would not come back as a

reincarnation.

Garthwait and Griffin's enchantment with the Tibetan cause began when

the husband-wife team served as one of the official film crews for the

Dalai Lama's visit to Berkeley in 1994. Since then the couple has

focused its work on documentaries, music videos and public service

announcements that support the Tibetan people's struggle for

self-determination. "Once people learn about the cause they are moved

into action," he reasons.

A couple of years ago she and her husband were responsible for roping in

Richard Gere, Harrison Ford, Julia Roberts, Sting and Alanis Morissette

to donate their time for a public service announcement on Tibet. "They

were not paid for their time; they did it out of a genuine compassion

for the movement," says Garthwait, adding: "They are all coming from a

place of caring. Their motivations are clean."

Being the mother of young children hasn't permitted Garthwait to wander

too far without them.

In fact, she confesses, she has never been to Tibet and so she has been

compelled to base her works on material sourced from groups in India.

"India has been amazingly supportive of the Tibetan cause," Garthwait

says, admitting that New Delhi is in a "diplomatically sticky situation"

when it comes to dealing with this particular issue. "India's

sympathetic presence in the region has boosted the morale of the Tibetan

people."

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3. 'Tibet will be autonomous within a decade or two'

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By Gunvanthi Balaram

MUMBAI: ``Tibet will be autonomous within a decade or two,'' asserts

Yeshe Togden, founder-president of the Gu-Chu-Sum, an association of

ex-political prisoners in Tibet. The Buddhist monk is in town to

participate in the Festival of Tibet and deliver the valedictory lecture

on `Tibet, the Chinese Gulag' on Friday.

``This is not wishful thinking, but a firm belief that is rooted in two

factors: one, international opinion is increasingly in favour of freeing

our country from China's clutches; two, the numbers of young Chinese

people who want their government to accept the Dalai Lama's offer to

hold a dialogue to resolve the conflict, are also growing, slowly but

surely. Some of these youngsters are even putting their lives at risk by

taking up our cause.''

It is this belief that keeps not only Togden, but all Tibetans in exile

going. ``It is this that also motivates thousands of Tibetans in Tibet

to carry on their non-violent struggle against Chinese oppression,''

says Mr Togden, speaking through an interpreter, Yundu Tsomo, a

Dharamshala-born Tibetan girl. And he should know, because he went to

prison twice in the 1980s for participating in precisely such a protest.

In fact, he launched the Gu-Chu-Sum with 32 other former prisoners in

September 1991, soon after he escaped to Dharamshala from Tibet.

``However, my stints in jail were mercifully short. They were torture

yes, but definitely less agonising than the experience of, say, my

senior colleague Palden Gyatso, who spent 33 years in Chinese

captivity,'' he muses, ``he's a great freedom-fighter who came out with

his body beaten but spirit uncrushed.''

Gyatso was one of the three political prisoners released in 1992 by the

Chinese authorities due to pressure from Amnesty International. ``That

was the last time they freed any political prisoners,'' Mr Togden sighs.

``About 1,000 of our friends are still behind bars in Tibet. Four of

them have been incarcerated for nearly 20 years. One of them is a young

nun whose sentence has been extended three times, reportedly because of

her political activism in prison. Another is a 73-year-old layman, who

has been in and out of prison since 1964, and is likely to be released

only in 2011.

``Many others have been slapped with a sentence of ten years for two

minutes of sloganeering. These are peaceable individuals like me, who

have been locked up for simply demanding that they be allowed to live

freely in their homeland and practise their ancient religious and

cultural traditions. They are doing hard labour, living in the most

awful conditions, often in solitary confinement, and being tortured,''

Mr Togden reveals, holding up electric prods and other implements of

torture employed in Tibetan-Chinese jails (used on him in the Gusta and

Oritudulaositrul jails).

It was his spiritual training as a monk and patriotic zeal that

sustained him during those painful days. But he holds no grudge against

his captors. ``Many of the prison guards were only carrying out orders.

They would have been thrashed, even tortured, had they disobeyed their

seniors. You know, the kindest prison guard I knew was a middle-aged

Chinese fellow. He would give me a nominal thrashing and quite neglect

to torture me when the supervisor was away. Clearly, he hated his job,

and felt a sympathy for us. Some of the young Tibetan guards, who had

been raised in Chinese military schools, were far more cruel,'' the monk

recalls with a twisted smile.

Togden was ``plain lucky'' to be released after some months. However, he

wasn't allowed to go back to his Gauden monastery near Lhasa. Instead,

he was confined to house-imprisonment in his village, Meldrogongkar.

``For a whole year, I languished there. Then I decided to flee to

Dharamshala, where I could be of some use to my countrymen. I set out

with three others in June '91. We trekked for three months, only at

night, often in thunder and rain, hiding in the mountains by day. All

through our flight, it was not the thought of dying that frightened me,

but the thought of being arrested,'' confesses the monk.

That thought must have also haunted the Karmapa, the boy-monk who came

in recently. Why did the boy flee Tibet? ``It's a matter of

self-respect, of freedom to learn, to evolve as a spiritual person--the

boy asked the Chinese government several times for permission to do his

further studies in India, but they refused. So he decided to escape to

freedom,'' Mr Togden reflects briefly, before returning to his own tale.

Once in Dharamshala, he and his comrades launched the Gu-Chu-Sum. They

were determined to not only help the Dalai Lama in his peaceful struggle

to regain Tibet for their people, but also to get their fellow-prisoners

at home a better deal. And that's what their life today is all

about--exposing the dehumanising conditions in Chinese-Tibetan jails,

lobbying worldwide for the release of their comrades, and devising

education and welfare schemes for those who manage to find freedom.

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4. Anti-Dalai Lama conference held in Kathmandu

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Kathmandu, March 12, 2000 (Nepal News) -- About three hundred Tibetan

Lamas opposed to Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama met in Kathamndu

and criticised the Dalai Lama for what they called as undermining

religious freedom in Tibet.

Tibetan Lamas attended the first conference of Dorji Sokden Society, a

recently formed association of pro-Beijing Lamas, from Tibet, India,

Switzerland and Singapore.

Minister of State for Communication Govinda Bahadur Shaha inaugurated

the conference.

The conference sponsored by Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu aimed at

countering activities of supporters of Dalai Lama and Free Tibet

Movement.

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5. China Voices Support For Chechen Crackdown

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MOSCOW, Mar 13, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) China voiced support for

Russia's crackdown against separatists in Chechnya in a statement issued

Sunday by the Chinese embassy here, cited by Interfax news agency.

China's position "is absolutely clear: we support the Russian

government's operation to curb separatism and terrorism," it said.

The embassy's statement followed recent media reports in Russia that two

Chinese nationals had been detained and two others killed in Chechnya,

fighting on the rebel side.

"No proof is available that these individuals are Chinese citizens," the

embassy said.

But it added: "If an investigation proves they are citizens of China,

the Chinese side will actively cooperate with the Russian side in order

to settle this problem appropriately."

Beijing, which faces unrest in the province of Tibet, has consistently

backed Moscow's drive against the rebel republic. ((c) 2000 Agence

France Presse)

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6. Training the Mind

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The Kathmandu Post (Review of Books)

March 12, 2000-

By Kesang Tseten

The Art of Happiness offers simple but authoritative words by the Dalai

Lama, who many view as one who knows and lives the art. If making it on

the NY Times bestseller is indication, his words are being taken

seriously in North America.

In 1992 American psychiatrist Howard Cutler met the Dalai Lama and was

convinced he was a truly exceptional man. The Dalai Lama was a Buddhist

monk with a lifetime of Buddhist training; could his approach to life be

identified and utilized by non-Buddhists as well, Cutler wondered. The

Art of Happiness is the result, based on public talks and extensive

conversations with the Dalai Lama, augmented by Cutler's observations

and commentary.

The fundamental tenet of the Dalai Lama's approach is that the purpose

of life is to seek happiness; it is in our nature to do so, and it is

our right. And happiness can be achieved by training the mind.

This is a radical premise for the West, according to Cutler. Hadn't

Freud said all man could hope for was "the transformation of hysteric

misery into common unhappiness?" For psychiatrists, "happiness" is not a

therapeutic objective. "Happy," Cutler notes, comes from the Icelandic

word happy meaning luck or chance; thus, happiness is a mystery.

For the Dalai Lama, "mind" does not only refer to cognitive ability or

intellect; rather, it is embodied in the Tibetan word sem, which is

closer to "psyche" or "spirit." The mind includes intellect and feeling.

This is what needs to and can be transformed, through inner discipline.

Just what is this inner discipline? In the Dalai Lama's view, it entails

knowing what brings happiness and what causes suffering, then replacing

destructive mental states of mind with positive, constructive ones.

These are: kindness, tolerance, forgiveness and the final component -

spirituality. For the Dalai Lama, the method is Buddhism, but there are

others, and you have to find one to match your own predisposition.

Happiness depends on our state of mind, not on externals, he says; that

is, it depends on how we perceive our situation. Why else would a

professional athlete earning two million dollars feel victimized when a

teammate gets more? Cutler writes about two friends. One becomes hugely

successful; she buys, travels, indulges in all she always wanted. After

a while the excitement wears off and things return to normal. The other

is devastated when he contracts the HIV virus, but after a year he's

grateful no AIDS symptoms have developed. Coming to terms with his

mortality, he now wakes up each morning with excitement for what the day

will bring.

In one of many studies Cutler cites, subjects were asked to complete the

sentence - "I'm glad I'm not...." Repetitions of the exercise distinctly

elevated their feelings of life satisfaction. A reverse exercise brought

opposite results.

Going by the Dalai Lama's prescription, the challenge lies in

cultivating the causes of positive feelings irrespective of the

situation, so that they become stable, a constancy; this quiet, stable

mind is in fact our underlying nature, distorted by our misguided

intellect.

The Art of Happiness gives us access to the Dalai Lama's "enlightened

pragmatic" approach to everyday life. For example, he says wanting a car

in an urban society is fine, but wanting one better than your neighbor's

creates discord. But isn't it my right to buy one if it brings me

satisfaction, Cutler counters; after all, jealousy is someone else's

problem. No, says the Dalai Lama: "...Self-satisfaction alone cannot

determine if a desire is positive or negative. A murderer may have a

feeling of satisfaction at the time of committing a murder."

Similar reasoning leads us to something quite relevant today. We all

feel the stresses of modern living, and long for and need assuagement.

Not surprisingly, a new ethos has thus emerged, become rampant, which

goes: if it makes you feel good, it is right. While compassion should

extend to self, the Dalai Lama says, there is a crucial difference

between pleasure and happiness; one is shortlived, the other lasting.

Inner discipline isn't called that for nothing.

On the subject of intimacy, Cutler tries to engage the Dalai Lama's

sympathy. In the West, intimacy is not just the physical act of sex but

the whole idea of falling love, of being deeply in love with one's

partner. The Dalai Lama says quite firmly that it is profoundly limiting

to expect deep intimacy with only that Special Someone, that soulmate;

moreover, it is often based on fantasy, and therefore a source of

frustration.

Far from dismissing intimacy, Cutler reflects, the Dalai Lama has an

ability and a propensity to be intimate with many. At times of being

disappointed or unhappy, he is known to have voiced his feelings to the

cleaning person, "so we can face it together." He admits his open nature

makes him bad at keeping secrets.

Spirituality isn't necessarily religion, he says. Nor is it prayers,

which are simply a reminder of principles and convictions, though these

"reminders" take up to four hours of his day. Rather, spirituality is

about developing compassion: the wish to be free of suffering, the

cultivation of that wish, and extending the same to others.

At times, just sometimes, Cutler tries too hard to force connections

with his understanding of the Dalai Lama's words. Otherwise, The Art of

Happiness very richly fulfills two of the three conditions of the

Buddhist approach - "hearing (learning), reflecting, and meditating." It

is a book to be read certainly, but its value can be much more.

(K Tseten is a writer and filmmaker)

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7. Eclectic Grass-Roots Campaigns Emerge on China Trade Debate

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By HELENE COOPER

Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

March 13, 2000

Politics & Policy

LA CROSSE, Wis. -- To get a good view of the fight over the coming

congressional vote on China trade, look to the Tibetans and Mrs. Silicon

Valley 1999.

Two weeks ago, about 50 Tibetans piled into a rented school bus in

Madison, Wis., and rode two hours to La Crosse Footwear Factory here to

fight the China trade bill. They met about 200 labor and environmental

activists, and begin an up-close-and-personal onslaught against

Wisconsin's pro-trade Democratic Rep. Ron Kind.

Mr. Kind's sister, Cindy, works for La Crosse Footwear, a company that

union members say has lost hundreds of jobs to China. "We hope

Congressman Kind will support his sister's job," says Bob Glasser, a

steelworker from Milwaukee.

Big Business Lags

Corporate America, too, is lobbying to make its case for trade. But

critics say Big Business doesn't come close to the free-trade-foes when

it comes to grass-roots campaigning.

About 2,000 miles away, at an electronics trade fair one block from

Disneyland in Anaheim, Calif., Debra Walker, known more widely as Mrs.

Silicon Valley 1999, is about to join the fight for the trade bill. A

vision in shades of cream -- from her ivory pantsuit to her knee-length

blond hair to her white sash and bow -- Mrs. Walker glides through the

massive trade show, stopping every so often to hand out autographed

8-by-11 photos of herself.

She stumbles into the China issue in midafternoon when Robert Nichols,

communications director for the Electronics Industries Alliance, stops

her and makes his pitch: If Mrs. Walker will just type her ZIP Code into

his traveling computer, the computer will automatically spit out a

letter to her congressman -- in this case, Democrat Pete Stark -- asking

him to vote in favor of opening trade with China.

Mrs. Walker, who also holds the title of Mrs. Northern California 2000,

is a quick sell. "Open trade generally advances everybody," she says

with a smile. After signing her personalized letter to Rep. Stark, she

signs a photo for Mr. Nichols, complete with her Web address:

www.BeautifulBlonde.com 1.

So goes the grass-roots lobbying effort for China "PNTR," the acronym

now bandied about the trade world for Permanent Normal Trade Relations.

On Wednesday, President Clinton sent the long-awaited China trade

legislation to Capitol Hill, beginning the final stage of what is bound

to be a bitter congressional fight over whether the U.S. should

permanently give China the same trade privileges it gives most other

countries.

Prospects for the trade legislation are dicey, thanks to House members

who rest closest to the grass roots. President Clinton wants it and the

Senate can easily pass it, but Speaker Dennis Hastert of Illinois frets

that the House may be irrevocably divided over it.

Pro-labor Democrats despise the trade deal, and religious conservatives

despise China. In the end, GOP officials predict as many as 150

Republicans will eventually embrace the trade agreement, meaning 68

Democrats would be needed for passage. Mr. Hastert, however, is

demanding 100 Democratic votes or he will delay until July -- well

beyond President Clinton's Memorial Day deadline and late enough in the

election cycle to doom the deal.

Fight to the Death

Both corporate America and the trade opponents say they have what it

takes to fight this one to the death. Indeed, corporate chieftains have

been swarming Capitol Hill, testifying at Senate and House hearings, and

writing letters by the dozens to their lawmakers.

But even pro-trade Rep. Kind says if he based his vote on grass-roots

campaigning, the free-trade-foes would have won.

At the La Crosse rally, workers hold placards reading "Hey Ron, Be Kind

To Our Jobs" and "Vote Against Normal Trade Relations with Slave State

Red China." Sherab Phunkyi, a Tibetan immigrant who now works as a

Wisconsin state clerk, carries a sign reading "Long Live the Dalai

Lama." Next to him stands a man in black-and-white striped prison garb

-- presumably representing a Chinese slave laborer. Three men beat

garbage cans while the group chanted "No blank check for China!"

The protest strikes a chord with Rep. Kind, but doesn't change his

support for the China trade bill. "This is an election year, and when it

comes to election issues, there is nothing more dangerous to an elected

official than the idea that you don't care about someone's job," Mr.

Kind says. "And I have to be honest with you. In my district, the

proponents of [the China trade vote] are virtually absent. Their silence

is deafening."

Indeed, while the business lobby has put aside more than $10 million for

the China campaign, they have focused their efforts on TV ads and

calling on lawmakers in Washington, a strategy many congressional

members say pales in comparison to visiting politicians in their

districts. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, recognizing that fact of

political life, is persuading small-business executives in dozens of

swing districts across the country to pitch the China trade deal to

their lawmakers.

On a trip to Orlando, Fla., Leslie M. Schweitzer, a grass-roots

organizer for the chamber, meets with local executives and an aide to

Rep. John L. Mica, a Republican who hasn't said how he will vote on

China trade. "We have an enormous problem in that we don't have a

guaranteed pro-trade majority in Congress," she says. "It is easy to get

on the front page if you dress up as tuna and dolphins."

Nonetheless, the computer-generated letter campaign shows how much

corporate America relies on AstroTurf instead of genuine grass roots.

At the electronics show in Anaheim, a number of people appear less

interested in sending Congress a pro-trade message than with getting the

free T-shirt that comes with signing the letter. Mr. Nichols, of

Electronics Industries Alliance, has no trouble rounding up people

willing to type in their ZIP Code and sign a letter to their

representative. In one day, he and a co-worker rack up close to 500

letters.

"I haven't really paid a lot of attention to this issue," says Jim

Phalan, a sales manager with Dawn Electronics in Carson City, Nev.

Nevertheless, he types in his ZIP Code and fires a letter off to Rep.

Jim Gibbons, a Republican. "I think as much involvement as possible with

China is a good thing."

The letters are all similar. Mrs. Walker's letter to Rep. Stark talks

about how Beijing's "membership in the WTO will create pressure on

Beijing to make needed reforms far more effectively than shutting it out

of the rules-based trading system."

Mrs. Walker's letter fails to impress Mr. Stark, an old-line liberal

Democrat. "What I'm concerned about is that Mrs. Walker really doesn't

seem aware that the PRC [China's Communist government] whom she's

supporting tortures and kills priests and nuns," he says, perusing Mrs.

Walker's Web site, which mentions her belief in Christian values.

Still, the letter campaign chugs along. Every week, the Business

Coalition for U.S. China Trade, which represents corporate America's

pro-China forces, meets and gives mock awards to industry groups for

their grass-roots campaigning efforts. Time and again, the electronics

industries group, which sponsors the letter campaign, wins. One week

they won by outstripping the Business Roundtable -- big business's major

Washington lobbying arm -- by a 15-1 margin.

"This is not an intellectual debate," says Dave McCurdy, the former

Oklahoma Democratic congressman who now heads EIA. "The China debate is

pure politics." And in a purely political debate, he says, "industry

needs to be visible."

-- Jim Vandehei contributed to this article.

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