Subject: POLITICAL INITIATIVES OF THE TRANSNATIONAL RADICAL PARTY
X-Listprocessor-Version: 6.0 -- ListProcessor by Anastasios Kotsikonas
X-Comment: The Transnational Radical Party List
(12) POLITICAL INITIATIVES OF THE TRANSNATIONAL RADICAL PARTY
by Emma Bonino, Secretary of the Radical Party
Sofia, 15-18 July 1993, Radical Party General Council
(12) INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE
SUMMARY: The right to language must now be considered as a "fundamental,
explicit, autonomous right, a preliminary requisite for the exercise of the
other fundamental rights." This right must be based on the recognition of
the principle of the dignity and the equality of all languages. Today, for
historical reasons, not all languages enjoy the same dignity and equality:
some languages are more important than others, some languages are dominant
and others are dominated, some are international and others are local, etc.
Individual countries have produced laws on the safeguard of these
principles, sometimes in a praiseworthy manner, at other times in a way
that can be criticized. We must uphold and promote the recognition and the
juridical consecration of the right to language as an individual and
collective right, going beyond article 27 of the international Pact on
civil and political rights (1976), appreciable and valid though it is.
Whilst the defence and the promotion of the linguistic wealth of the world
must be developed, it is also necessary to select an "international"
language. In order to prevent one language from dominating all others, the
international language must be "super partes" and "neutral". A language of
this type already exists: Esperanto.
In Italy, the Radical Party has set up a parliamentary Intergroup on
language and the reform of language policy. Within the EEC, a Task Force
has been set up with the aim of presenting the study on Esperanto requested
by the Commission on 26 November 1992. There are also initiatives in the
ambit of UNESCO. We propose the constitution of "federalist intergroups on
language and the reform of language policy" in the various parliaments, and
the presentation of policy motions.
The right to language
We intend to uphold, in a political sense, the right to language, which
must be considered as a "fundamental, explicit and autonomous right, a
preliminary requisite for the exercise of the other fundamental rights".
The right to language is based on two fundamental and interdependent
principles: the principle of the dignity and the principle of the equality
of all languages.
Unfortunately, for historical reasons which are more or less clear, not all
languages are equal. There are important languages, dominant languages and
dominated languages, languages which are more or less international and
languages which are more or less local.
When governments legislate on the subject of language, all they do is
legally plan the use of one or several languages, protecting or promoting
more particularly one or several languages more than others, in the attempt
to re-establish a more equal cultural balance among the different languages
present in their political territory. They do so by creating new rights and
new duties of a linguistic nature. If governments really legislate in this
direction, recognizing and consecrating the right to language and its two
fundamental principles, they are worthy of praise. If, however, they do so
in order to protect and promote in a discriminatory or hierarchical manner
one or more languages, or, as sometimes happens, the language of the
majority, they are anything but worthy of praise.
It is therefore increasingly clear that there is a need to recognize and
consecrate, from a juridical point of view, the right to language. It is an
individual and collective right which must no longer be considered an
implicit right - deriving, amongst other things, from freedom of
expression, a fundamental, explicit right - but as a fundamental, explicit
and autonomous right, a preliminary requisite for the exercise of the other
fundamental rights. Article 27 of the international Pact on civil and
political rights (1976), which to some extent recognizes and consecrates
the right to language, is an excellent initiative. But we need to go
further.
In reality, recognition and consecration of the right to language means
recognition and consecration of the "Tower of Babel", the symbol of
individual and collective cultural differences and peculiarities. The fact
that there are thousands of national and local languages inevitably creates
the need for one or more international languages. Latin, Greek, or French
in the past, English today, perhaps Japanese or Portuguese in the future -
"international" languages, or rather national or local languages which
achieve political hegemony over other languages. Is it normal for a
national or local language, which is the manifestation of a particular
culture, to assume the role of international language? What are the
consequences for the other national and local languages and cultures? What
are the consequences for the language and the culture which have become
international?
In order to avoid the consequences, which are often negative, and not only
in the linguistic field, in that any manifestation of hegemony is
undoubtedly dangerous, one solution already exists: Esperanto.
Esperanto, a language which in a certain sense is artificial, is naturally
an international language, and therefore does not interfere with other
languages which are naturally not international and artificially
international. From this point of view it is a "neutral" language.
If we really believe in the right to language as a fundamental right par
excellence, if we believe in its two principles, the dignity and the
equality of all languages, then the time has come to encourage the spread
of Esperanto as an international language, without interfering, however,
with the vitality of the different national and local languages. In fact
the best and most intelligent way of fighting a potentially serious
calamity, the "war of languages", is to recognize and consecrate the right
to language and the importance of a neutral international language.
(this section is a synthesis of statements made by Pannella and by Prof.
Joseph Turi, a Canadian Esperantist: not that it is necessary to
acknowledge quotations, but just to let you know where I took these
exceptional thoughts from)
In Italy the activity of several Radical deputies has led to the
constitution of the Federalist Intergroup on Language and for the Reform of
Language Policy, and the Ministry of Education recently set up a
Ministerial Commission on the International Language as an Instrument of
Linguitsic Orientation and Transnational Communication.
At EEC level, the President of the Culture Commission of the European
Parliament, Antonio La Pergola, set up a task force to present, in the near
future, the study on Esperanto requested by the Commission on 26 November
1992; at the same an initial group of Euro-MPs has adhered to the plan to
form a Federalist Intergroup on Language and for the Reform of Language
Policy.
In the ambit of the UN, it is worth recalling that UNESCO has already
declared itself in favour of Esperanto in two resolutions (1954 and 1985),
which almost all the member states of the organization have so far failed
to comply with.
Possible initiatives:
a) Constitution of "Federalist Intergroups on Language and for the Reform
of Language Policy" in the various parliaments.
b) Motions of other policy-making instruments in the various parliaments
which oblige the respective governments or Education Ministers to comply in
full with the UNESCO resolutions and institute a study Commission, along
the lines of the Italian Commission, on the Language-Teaching and
Communication potential of the International Language.
At the same time, in collaboration with Esperantist groups, militant
initiatives could be organized to take place at the same time in various
capitals, to call attention to the two resolutions, perhaps on the occasion
of the date of issue of the second: 8 November 1993.
A feasibility study could be carried out on the possibility of launching a
manifesto-appeal "for linguistic democracy in Europe and the world", to be
signed by parliamentarians, Nobel prize winners, and leading figures from
the world of art and culture and to be addressed to the presidents of the
principal international institutions: the Council of Ministers, the
Commission of the European Community, the European Parliament, the Council
of Europe, the CSCE...
(more)
