Subject: DALAI LAMA
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The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama On the Occasion of the 36th
Anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising of 1959
The world is today undergoing major changes. While there is a spirit
of reconciliation and peace emerging in many troubled parts of the world,
unfortunately new conflicts are also breaking out. We have endeavored to
find a peaceful resolution to the Tibetan issue and hoped that positive
changes would also come to Tibet. But, as we commemorate the 36th
anniversary of our people's uprising, I must state with sadness that little
has changed in our homeland and our people continue to suffer. In fact,
the Chinese government has intensified its repression in Tibet. Recent
Chinese policies demonstrate more clearly than ever their intention to
resolve the question of Tibet through force, intimidation and population
transfer.
The Chinese authorities have lately adopted a series of new measures
to tighten political control in Tibet. Under a programme of "investigation
and scrutiny" tighter security measures were imposed and a new crackdown on
advocates of human rights and independence has been launched. Victims of
this new political persecution include Tibetans who work for the
preservation of Tibetan culture. which includes teaching the Tibetan
language and opening private schools. Tibetan cadres and members of the
Chinese Communist Party are made to undergo political reeducation,
reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution. Those suspected of
harboring religious and national feelings are being purged. Monasteries
have been raided by the People's Armed Police and the chain of political
arrests has now been extended to rural areas. The rebuilding and
construction of new monasteries has been prohibited and the admission of
new monks and nuns stopped. Tibetan travel agents and tour guides have
been dismissed in order to control the flow of information and Tibetan
children are no longer permitted to study abroad. Those who are presently
studying abroad have been ordered to return.
At a high-level meeting in Beijing last July these policies were
sanctioned and 62 new "economic development projects" in Tibet were
announced. As in the past, these projects are designed primarily to
increase the immigration of Chinese into Tibet and ultimately drown the
Tibetan in a sea of Chinese. Similarly, China's proclaimed intention to
build a railway to Central Tibet is particularly alarming. Under the
present circumstances this will enable a dramatic acceleration of China's
population transfer policy. We only need to look at the large influx of
Chinese who are arriving by train every week in different parts of Eastern
Turkestan to understand the impact such a railway will have on the survival
of the Tibetan people with their unique cultural heritage.
Over the past 15 years, I have tried to resolve the Tibet-China
problem in a spirit of genuine friendship and cooperation, discarding any
feelings of enmity towards the Chinese. I have consistently and sincerely
made attempts to engage the Chinese government in earnest negotiations over
the future of Tibet. Regrettably China has rejected my proposals for a
negotiated resolution of our problem. Instead she has set the
pre-condition that I formally recognize Tibet to be "an inseparable part of
China", before any negotiations can start. The true nature of the
historical relationship of Tibet and China is best left for Tibetan and
Chinese historians to study objectively. I also encourage other scholars,
as well as international jurists and their institutions, to study the
history of Tibet and draw their unbiased conclusions.
In the past I have deliberately restrained myself from emphasizing the
historical and legal status of Tibet. It is my belief that it is more
important to look forward to the future than dwell in the past.
Theoretically speaking it is not impossible that the six million Tibetans
could benefit from joining the one billion Chinese of their own free will,
if a relationship based on equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect
could be established. If China wants Tibet to stay with China, then she
must create the necessary conditions. However, the reality today is that
Tibet is and occupied country under colonial rule. This is the essential
issue which must be addressed and resolved through negotiation.
In the past few years our cause has gained increasing international
importance and support. This is reflected in the United Nations' debates
on the situation in Tibet: in the General Assembly's Third Committee, in
the Commission for Human Rights, and in the reports of the United Nation's
Rapporteurs. Last year I appealed to the international community for help
in facilitating negotiations between my representatives and the Chinese
government. A number of Asian and Western governments have offered their
good offices to bring them about. I take this opportunity to thank these
governments for their support. It is important that the international
community, and especially democratic countries, continue to send a clear
message to China that their behavior in Tibet is deplorable and that the
question of Tibet must be resolved through peaceful negotiations without
pre-conditions. The need to make real progress in resolving the problem of
Tibet is urgent. The present lack of progress increases the danger of
violent conflicts breaking out in Tibet.
Many Tibetans have voiced unprecedented criticism of my suggestion
that we should compromise on the issue of total independence. Moreover,
the failure of the Chinese government to respond positively to my
conciliatory proposals has deepened the sense of impatience and frustration
among my people. Therefore, I proposed last year that this issue be
submitted to a referendum. However, as long as I lead our freedom
struggle, there will be no deviation from the path of non-violence.
The referendum should seek to clarify the political course of our
struggle. A thorough and honest discussion of the various options open to
us must take place among the Tibetan people. I hope that this historic
exercise will be carried out carefully and thoroughly. I realize that
under the present conditions it would be impossible to hold a fair
referendum inside Tibet. Nevertheless, we will be able to find ways to
collect representative opinions from different parts of Tibet and to
conduct the plebiscite properly among our exiled community.
While we prepare ourselves for this referendum, I also wish to state
that I remain open to any Chinese overtures for negotiations. I am still
committed to the spirit of my "middle way" approach, and I am hopeful that
continued international efforts to persuade the Chinese government to enter
into negotiations with us may eventually yield tangible results. Our
negotiating team remains ready to resume talks any time at a mutually
agreeable venue. Sooner or later, a flexible and open-minded Chinese
leadership must realize the wisdom of resolving the issue of Tibet through
negotiations in a spirit of reconciliation and compromise. This is the
only proper way to ensure stability, with the Chinese leadership asserts,
is their primary concern. However, true stability must be based on the
mutual trust, consent and benefit of all concerned, not on the use of
force.
Tibet geographic position in the heart of Asia gives it enormous
strategic importance. For centuries Tibet acted as a buffer insuring peace
in the region. The implications of China's presence in Tibet go well
beyond Tibet's borders. Over the last more than forty years Tibet has
undergone an unprecedented militarization. Coupled with the increased
transfer of Chinese population into Tibet, this has changed the peaceful
character of the Tibetan plateau. If this alarming trend continues, it
will not only threaten the survival of the Tibetan people and their
culture, but will have serious repercussions for the region as a whole.
Tibet's spiritual and cultural traditions have contributed to peace in
Asia. Buddhism not only turned Tibetan into a peace-loving nation
following a period of great military might, but also spread from the
Himalayas to Mongolia and other places in Central Asia and provided
millions of people with a spiritual foundation of peace and tolerance.
Buddhism is not alien to Chine, and I strongly believe that Buddhism can be
of great service in providing spiritual values, peace of mind, contentment
and self-discipline to millions of Chinese in the future.
With the occupation of Tibet, Tibetan Buddhism has been robbed of its
cradle and homeland, not only violating the Tibetan people's right to
freedom of religion but also endangering the very survival of this rich
spiritual and cultural tradition in Tibet and Central Asia. This is
particularly true of China's policy of cutting Tibet up of many separate
administrative units, most of which have been incorporated into neighboring
Chinese provinces. Historically, the contribution of Tibetans from these
areas to Tibet's cultural and spiritual heritage has been immense. But as
tiny minorities in Chinese provinces it will be very difficult for these
Tibetans to preserve their Buddhist culture and distinct identity in the
long term. The Tibetan entities outside the so-called Tibet Autonomous
Region (TAR) comprise a larger portion of the Tibetan area and roughly four
of the six million Tibetan. A solution to the question of Tibet cannot be
found without all these parts of Tibet being incorporated into one Tibetan
entity. This is essential to the survival of Tibetan culture.
Finally, I wish to pay homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who
have died for the cause of our freedom. I pray also for our compatriots
who are enduring mental and physical suffering in Chinese prisons at the
moment. Not one day passes without my fervent prayers for an early end to
the suffering of our people. I believe that today the question is not
whether Tibet will ever be free, but rather how soon.
With my prayers,
The Dalai Lama
10 March, 1995
