The PDS has been the left-wing "democratic" faction within the Italian partyist regime, which had left, centre and right internal wings complementary among them, all equally responsible for the present Italian situation. Very few were the forces really unconnected with partyism, and these forces bursted into the Italian political scene solely through those referendums which represented the only true reforms that this country can really boast. If our new referendums won't be once again rejected by a Constitutional Court organical to the regime, next year we will be able to vote for the achievement of the uninominal voting system allowing the end of partyism.

In a quarter of our country the Communist party and its allies rule since 48 years, unceasingly. In Italy we have, among workers and retired people, ten million forced union members: the employer must withold, on salary or pension, a monthly union fee, a tax on ten million people collected by the state and transferred to the trade union power. Then, we have this state financed redundancy fund which keeps on fuelling bankrupt sectors of our industry, in the absence of any competition, thanks to the converging will of the PDS-world and trade unions - like the last agreement between FIAT and the trade unions - which will cost the taxpayers about 600m US$.

For those who have been dealing with Italy for a short time, it ought to be underlined that the great moralists of our state television (and of its trade union USIGRAI) are those who have been running the information during the fiercest and most consociative years of the secret services, of the P2 Lodge, with Berlinguer giving nine million communist votes to the Christian Democrats of Andreotti and Cossiga - as did half the deputies of the neofascist Italian Social Movement. Pecchioli was the true controller of the secret service at the time, even if he was a communist and had tight connections with the USSR. Everything of that old regime - technically based on a set of criminal enterprises, which now needs impunity - supports the new order, which should be the second phase of the first Republic, controlled by those who can guarantee industrial barons against strikes and - in exchange for this - that financing of obsolete companies which is the "cassa integrazione". That's why the left needs to overthro

w the liberal tendency, often winning (even if in minority) that we represent.

For the countries I know best, I must say that there is a monoculture in the interpretation of the Italian situation. For decades we have had some newspapers correspondents who interpreted the facts in conformity with the Italian Left, according to which the party power was the "right-wing" one - the DC - and the others were the democracy. Before this, I feel like Altiero Spinelli or Ernesto Rossi, who, while being jailed under the Fascist regime, felt sorrow not because of the way the Italian situation was reported on the national press (they expected to read what they were reading), rather than for the statements of Italy's events on the great international antifascist newspapers.

I am now described as a traitor to a left which since 1948 I had no chance to agree with: I always found them as enemies except when it was suitable claiming dividends of the civil rights battles that we, against them, had invested in (divorce, abortion, etc.). That's why I believe that for our country the "devil" Berlusconi is much less dangerous. I stand exactly to the opposite of Occhetto, who stated publicly that he prefers Fini to Berlusconi. The truth is they needed a "devil", and they made it. The news that also Occhetto was under judicial investigation was written on the 13th page of the "Corriere della Sera", whilst RAI 3 announced during the election campaign that "Berlusconi" had been arrested even if it was not Silvio, but his brother Paolo. In reality, getting rid of Berlusconi, they wanted to suppress someone who could not be disdained as fascist, right-wing, etc.. The same applies to us, even if with different systems, the aim is the same: they want to do away with us. We must not be ther

e, for they cannot eliminate us as traditional fascist people, whereas on the contrary,they do need the "authoritarian right", the monster to splash across the front page. I feel sorrow for having to repeat an analysis which may be challenged, but which has been for thirty years simply liquidated, ignored. We must not even be criticized (and it has always been so), because the problem is not fighting our ideas, but simply removing them. The clash in Italy is not between "progressives" and "moderates" - as they want us to believe - rather than between reformers and conservatives of the old partyist regime. Always, during elections, the left has wished that the right would get loads of votes because they were votes lost by its real partner, the non-communist liberal left, not ratifyied and not recognizable. So the real competition is between reformers and conservatives: the latter are everywhere, but above all in the historical, "sociological" left - under which's mask lay powerful interests - and reforms can

only be liberal ones, the only which can guarantee the freeing of the State from the occupation of party machinery.