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Partito Radicale Radical Party - 24 settembre 1996
Letter to UNGA
Date: Tue, 3 Sep 1996 16:00:59 +1000

From:

To: claudiar@foe.co.uk, foeint@xs4all.nl, syeda@foe.co.uk,

wiseamster@antenna.nl

Subject: Foe Sydney letter to UNGA ambassadors re CTBT.

Cc: ara@agora.stim.it, ara@glas.apc.org, ecodefense@glas.apc.org

>From foesydney Tue Sep 3 12:59:05 1996

Received: (from foesydney@localhost) by peg.apc.org (8.6.9/Revision: 1.16 ) id MAA24712; Tue, 3 Sep 1996 12:58:57 +1000

Date: Tue, 3 Sep 1996 12:58:57 +1000

From:

Message-Id: <199609030258.MAA24712@peg.apc.org>

To: foesydney

Subject: Letter to UNGA

Cc: abolition-caucua@igc.apc.org, conf:foe.oz, disarmtimes@igc.apc.org

Status: RO

From: foesydney@peg.apc.org Friends of the Earth Sydney,

Australia Suite15 104 Bathurst Street Sydney, NSW, Australia 2000.

p(61)(2)9283-2004 Fax(61)(2)9283-2005.

To: All Ambassadors to the UN.

Dear Ambassador: I am writing to you with regard to the

Australian proposal for a special session of the United Nations

General Assembly to discuss the comprehensive test-ban treaty.

This is possibly the most important single issue that the UNGA

will have to deal with over the next few years, and certainly the

issue with the most far-reaching implications, not only for

nuclear weapons nations but for the entire planet .

Non-governmental organisations of both a national and

international nature such as FOE, IPPNW, CND, Abolition2000, IEER,

and many others have worked for many years toward the objective of

a zero-threshold comprehensive test-ban treaty as an essential

step toward the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

The recent judgement of the International Court of Justice

recommended unanimously that there was an obligation on the part

of nations to negotiate in good faith toward the complete

elimination of nuclear weapons, and the recent report of the

Canberra Commission recommends a comprehensive test-ban as a first

step in that direction.

The current treaty text has many features which are disappointing

to us. In particular, we are disappointed that the preamble does

not contain the firm, time-bound, framework for elimination of

nuclear weapons or at least for negotiations on their elimination

to take place that we had hoped. The lack of such a framework in

the preamble was a major reason for India's refusal to sign the

treaty. However, it is possible for steps to be taken to address

these problems outside the framework of this specific treaty, and

this should be done.

In addition, we are very disturbed to see that the treaty contains

provisions for entry into-force that may mean that it never

actually enters into force.

We are especially worried that the P5 nuclear nations, especially

the UK, Russia, and China have stated that they are unwilling to

countenance changes to the preamble and to entry-into-force,

although almost any EIF formula for the treaty would actually be

better than the one we now have. That the UK, Russia, and China

have elected to defend an EIF formula that essentially ensures

that the treaty is unlikely ever to formally enter into force at

all save by a miracle is extraordinary and tragic.

Nonetheless, we feel that the treaty, for all its defects, does

represent a real and substantial move in the direction of the

elimination of nuclear weapons from the planet. This is the goal

toward which we strive, and NGOs worldwide will not rest until we

have achieved this. The recent decision of the ICJ and the

submission by the Australian Government of the final report of the

Canberra Commission also move us toward this goal, and both the

ICJ decision and the Canberra Commission report should be used to

form a basis for additional measures outside the text of the CTBT,

to move toward the elimination of nuclear weapons by the P5.

In addition, the current attitude of the P5 and especially the UK,

Russia, and France, regrettable though it is, places us in a

quandary. Amendments to the text that might otherwise improve it,

could have the effect of causing the P5 or key members of the P5,

to refuse to sign the CTBT. This would render the treaty all-but

valueless. Worse, it could cause the entire negotiating process to

dissolve in recrimination, and that is the last thing that we

would wish to happen. Indeed, this must not happen.

A successful signing of the CTBT, accompanied with massive support

for it will on the other hand, make it impossible for the P5 to so

easily walk away from it if they so desire, and will create

precisely the kind of impetus so necessary to produce the

'miracle' of a successful entry-into-force.

The collapse of negotiations for the CTBT could mean the

resumption of nuclear testing, and that must not be allowed to

happen. In fact, NGOs world-wide will be pushing for the cessation

of forms of testing not prohibited in the treaty such as

'subcritical' testing, and testing in cyberspace.

Successful signature of the CTBT will mean that a non-testing

international norm is established whereby nations who test nuclear

weapons can expect ostracism and outrage on the part of the

international community, rather than respect based on fear, and

will have to face sanctions and other measures designed to bring

an end to their testing programs.

Once such a norm is established, it is unlikely that any country

would be able to ignore it with impunity whether or not they have

signed the CTBT, and whether or not the CTBT has actually entered

into force, providing it has been overwhelmingly supported in

UNGA.

It is therefore crucial that the CTBT receives your country's

enthusiastic support, in spite of the efforts by some powerful

countries to weaken its effectiveness.

If you are a non-weapons country, then we call on you to support

the Australian text of the CTBT, and not to weaken its support by

amendments at this point.

One possible course of action that your country could take in

conjunction with others, is to attempt to place the maximum of

pressure on the P5 countries to adopt a less rigid attitude to

EIF, and to the inclusion of a time-bound committment to complete

nuclear disarmament or at least to negotiations leading to that

goal, either in the preamble to the treaty or else via a paralell

resolution in the UNGA. If you decide to take such a course, it

should be done with the greatest care and in a manner such as not

to imperil the treaty as a whole.

We ask most fervently that any country that for whatever reason

wants to act as a 'spoiler' for the treaty be completely isolated,

whether they are a weapons nation, a 'threshold' nation, or any

other nation. The treaty is too important to be held hostage to

any country's particular political agenda.

If you are the ambassador of a weapons state, we ask you to

re-examine whether you can in all conscience regard the current

EIF as a 'sacred cow', and to adopt a negotiating stance that will

ensure positively that the CTBT, supported by the vast majority

of both the governments and NGO's of the world, and by the people

of the world, is passed by a wide majority.

We encourage all countries to lend their full support to the CTBT,

and to take the initiative in pursuing other measures including

negotiations amongst the P5 and special or ad-hoc committees, to

move toward the implementation of the recent decision of the ICJ

by the elimination of nuclear weapons.

Yours Respectfully, John Hallam Nuclear Campaigner, Friends of the

Earth Sydney, Australia.

 
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