< FREEDOM FOR TIBET/DEMOCRACY IN CHINA ! - #42 >

Newsletter on the campaigns of the Radical Party for the freedom of Tibet and the democracy on China.

"I truly believe that individuals can make a difference in society. Since periods of great change such as the present one come so rarely in human history, it is up to each of us to make the best use of our time to help create a happier world".

His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, 1992

Issue #42, October 30, 1996

Editors office: Massimo Lensi, Dorottya u. 3.III.em6 - 1051 Budapest (H)Tel. +36-1-266.34.86 - 266.09.35 Fax. +36-1-11.87.937

E-mail: M.Lensi@agora.stm.it WWW-URL http://www.agora.stm.it/pr - Telnet: Agora.stm.it

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Published in English, Spanish, French, Italian, Hungarian, Croatian and Rumanian

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HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA'S SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

(Strasburg, Oct. 23rd, 1996)

Honorable Members of Parliament and Dear Friends,

In June of 1988 I had the opportunity to present to this honorable Parliament a program for the negotiations between the Tibetan people and the Chinese government. Inspired by the spirit of your Union, I publicly and formally expressed by availability to begin negotiations with the government of the People's Republic of China based on a program that did not expect the separation or independence of Tibet. I appealed to the Chinese authorities until they understood that political union, peaceful co-existence and genuine cooperation can take place only if they are spontaneous, and have benefits for all the parties involved. I affirmed that the European Union represented a clear example of this concept.

I emphasized the possibility that a nation or community can divide itself in two or more entities whenever there is no trust, an absence of benefits or in cases in which force is utilized as the principle instrument of domination. From the moment in which I expressed my proposal before the reunited Parliament in Strausburg, the Tibetan cause received great international attention. The European Parliament in particular has demonstrated a continuous interest for the situation in Tibet and has adopted a series of resolutions that manifest its grave concerns for the human rights violations in that country. In equal step with the growing interest of the parliament, the European Union raised the problem of human rights in Tibet on occasion of the successive sessions of the Commission on Human Rights of the United Nations and the reasons for its concern to the General Assembly of the United Nations. On the practical and humanitarian level, the European Community has offered economic assistance to the Tibetan refuge

es and the development projects of the nation. Also encouraging and of great help is the fact that our conviction that it is necessary to find a peaceful resolution to the Tibetan cause through negotiations is coherently shared and sustained. he effects of the growing international interest in Tibet are visible. The Chinese government has in fact been constrained to accept a dialogue on human rights , has published a "white book" on human rights and on "property" in Tibet, and has also consented to visits by numerous foreign delegations to the country.

In representation of the six million Tibetans, I embrace the opportunity to thank the members of Parliament, the Commission and Member nations for their constant receptiveness and support. In the role of free spokesperson of my people, I ask you nonetheless to intensify your efforts towards creating a peaceful and proper resolution of our cause across negotiations.

It is absolutely necessary and urgent to make real progress toward the beginning of a peace process. The lack of real progress in resolving the political problem is in fact increasing the risk of an explosion of violent conflict in Tibet. My hopes find comfort in the assurances made to me by the Irish Presidency of the European Union that the Tibetan cause will be actively supported until it is sustained by the Chinese authorities.

Within the limits of my conscience, I have tried in every way to find a solution that is acceptable for both sides. It is clear that only our effort is not sufficient to bring the Chinese government to the bargaining table. Nothing remains, in the meantime, but to appeal to the international community until it urgently intervenes and acts on behalf of my people.

Today the struggle of the Tibetan people for freedom has arrived at a crucial phase. Recently, the Chinese government has tightened its positions, intensified repression in Tibet, and has resorted to tactics of intimidation to affront the problems of the nation. Unfortunately, the respect for human rights has not made any progress. To the contrary, repression and political persecution have recently reached levels without precedent.

The violation of human rights in Tibet has a peculiar character. The abuses to which Tibetans are submitted restrict the people from affirming their proper identity and desire to preserve it. In effect, the violation of human rights is often the result of institutionalized racial and cultural discrimination. If the issue of human rights is to be addressed in Tibet is to be confronted, it must be done in conformance with the real situation there.

In Tibet, our population is subjected to marginalization and discrimination before a insidious attempt to transform the Tibetan culture into a Chinese culture. The unhinging and destruction of the religious and cultural institutions and of the traditions, associated with the massive Chinese influx, are the equivalent of cultural genocide. The pure survival of the Tibetans as a people is a distinct people is in continuous peril. In the same way, the problems of environmental destruction, which has grave consequences beyond the Tibetan highlands, and the indiscriminate economic development, must necessarily be confronted in a manner that is harmonious with the Tibetan reality.

The violation of human rights, social decay and the rebellion of the Tibetan people are only the symptoms of a problem with deeper roots. The problem in Tibet is, in fact, fundamentally of a political nature. It is a problem of colonial domination: the oppression of Tibet by the People's Republic of China and the resistance to that dominion by the Tibetans. This problem can be resolved exclusively through negotiations and not, as China intends to proceed, by force, intimidation, and expulsion.

I am certain that the coming years will be fundamental for the initiation of clear negotiations with the Chinese government. The actual situation offers to Members of the International community a historic opportunity to revise China's politics, in order to influence and respond to changes that are occurring in the country. That the future changes in China will bring new hope and new life to the Tibetan people, and that China itself will demonstrate itself to be a trusting, peaceful,,,,, and constructive member of the International community, depends largely upon the pledge that community makes in adopting a responsible politics before the nations in question. I have always underlined the need to involve Peking in the current world democracy and I always pronounced myself opposed to any notion of isolationism. Such an attempt would be morally incorrect and also politically impractical. On the contrary, I always supported a politics based on responsibility and on a level of mutual accordance with the Chinese

authorities.

China finds itself at an important crossroads.: the society is undergoing profound changes and the authorities are confronting a generational transition. It is further evident that the massacre in Tienanmen Square did not succeed in silencing the demand for freedom, democracy, and human rights. In addition to this, the first presidential elections in Taiwan at the beginning of next year will certainly have a psychological and political impact on the aspirations of the Chinese people. The transformation of the Totalitarian regime in Peking into a more open, responsible, and free government is nevertheless inevitable.

China needs human rights, democracy and justice. These things represent the foundation of a free and dynamic society. They are also the sources of peace and stability. A society that embraces such values offers greater securities for commerce and investment. A democratic China is therefore in the interest of the International Community in general and of Asia in particular. Nevertheless, it is necessary to make every effort to integrate China into the world economy, but also to enter the heart of world democracy. Liberty and democracy in China can be captured by the Chinese and no one else. For this motive it is necessary to encourage and support the courageous members of the Chinese Democracy Movement. The population has clearly expressed the desire for human rights, democracy, and rights across various movements that began in 1979 with the "Democracy Wall" and that culminated with the great uprising of 1989.

A growing number of members of the Chinese democracy movement recognize the illegitimacy of the treatment suffered by the Tibetans by Peking and states that this injustice must be remedied. Brave persons such as Wei Jingsheng openly affirm that the Tibetans must be allowed to express and act upon their proper right to self determination. Just last month two Chinese dissidents presented an appeal to the government that they may concede the right to self determination and begin negotiations with me. A similar request, signed by 54 citizens of Shanghai, was presented to the government in March of 1994. Chinese people who live abroad are studying the constitutional possibility of rendering China a federal state, and attribute Tibet status within that federation. All of these developments are for us helpful and supportive. I am nonetheless very happy with the fact that, despite the absence of positive signs from the Chinese government to my attempts to initiate negotiations, the dialogue between Chinese and Tibet

ans is giving life to a greater understanding of their reciprocal interests and problems.

In the end, it is up to the Tibetan and Chinese people to find a peaceful and just solution to the problem of Tibet.It is for this reason that in our struggle for liberty and justice I have always tried to follow the path of non-violence to guarantee a relationship based on reciprocal respect, friendship, and the principle of genuine co-existence between the two peoples that can be perpetuated into the future. For centuries the Tibetan and Chinese people have existed side by side, and even in the prospective future there is no alternative but to maintain the status of good neighbors. For this reason I have always placed great value on our relationship, and in this spirit I approach our Chinese brothers and sisters.

Historically, and by international right, Tibet is an independent nation subject to illegitimate occupation by China. however, in the last seventeen years, since we established direct contact with the authorities of Peking, I adopted an "intermediary" approach inspired by reconciliation and compromise. Despite the great desire by the Tibetan people to regain national independence, I repeatedly and publicly manifested by availability to begin negotiations on any agenda that would not compromise the subject of independence. The extended occupation of Tibet represents a threat to the existence of its national and cultural identity. I retain , in the meantime, that it is my fundamental job to make any necessary gesture that will save my people and my cultural heritage from complete annihilation.

I am also convinced that it is more important to look to the future than to indulge in the past. In theory it is not impossible that the six million Tibetans can be beneficiaries of a voluntary union with the one billion Chinese, as long as a relationship based on equality, respect, and the reciprocity of benefits may be established. If China wants to keep Tibet, it is up to them to create the appropriate conditions. But the present reality is much different, in that Tibet is an occupied nation under colonial dominion. This is the fundamental point that must be confronted and resolved through negotiations.

Unfortunately the Chinese government has not yet accepted even one of our proposals or initiatives presented over the course of the years and they have yet to open a dialogue with us. Nonetheless, we Tibetans will continue in our non-violent struggle for liberty. My people requests an increased effort and I believe that the effort will be transformed into real action; but we must continue to oppose the use of violence as an expression of the desperation many Tibetans feel. For as long as I will guide our struggle there will not be any deviation from the path of non-violence.

The problem of Tibet will not disappear nor can it be brushed away. As the past has clearly demonstrated, neither the intimidation nor the coercion of the Tibetan people can achieve a solution. Sooner or later the Chinese authorities must confront this reality. In fact, the Tibetan problem represents a great opportunity for China. Whatever can be adequately achieved through negotiations would not only contribute to a political atmosphere appropriate for a smooth transition to a new era, it would also improve the image of China in the eyes of the world. A negotiated solution in an appropriate manner would have a positive impact on the populations of Hong Kong and Taiwan and would help to improve Sino-Indian relations across the development of sentiments of trust and security. Also, by allowing our Buddhist culture to flourish once more in Tibet, we believe that we could contribute to our Chinese brothers and sisters by establishing with them a advantageous sharing of spiritual and moral values that today are

clearly absent from China. This is all the more true when considering that the Chinese are not strangers to the Buddhist tradition.

I remain personally involved in the discussion with China and the attempt to reach an "intermediate" approach that I have advocated. I emphasize my decision in response to what Deng Xiaoping affirmed that "any accord can be discussed and made except for that of independence." the fundamental ideas of my "intermediate" approach are formally expressed in the Five Point Peace Plan of 1987 and the Strasburg Proposal of 1988. I am greatly hurt by the fact that Deng Xiaoping has not yet transformed such affirmations into reality, but I nurture the hope that his successors will have the wisdom to resolve this problem peacefully through negotiations. What I desire most ardently is the possibility that Tibet may govern itself, and today I reaffirm our desire to negotiate with China at any moment, in any place and without any pre-conditions.