THE New York Times

Thursday, November 21, 1996

HONG KONG'S FREEDOMS IMPERILED

The signs are mounting that when China regains control of Hong Kong

next July 1, Hong Kong's citizens will lose many of their freedoms. Beijing has steadily backtracked on the promises made in its agreement with Britain to grant Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy and maintain its way of life fo 50 years. The latest indication came last week, when

a committee of 400 Hong Kong citizens carefully chosen by Beijing took a preliminary vote to choose the new chief executive.

The winner, who will probably be confirmed by the same body on Dec. 11, was Tung Chee-hwa, a shipping tycoon whose failing business was saved by $120 million in secret financing fron China in the 1980's. He has been seen as Beijing's favorite since China's President, Jiang Zemin, singled him out for a public handshake in January.

While Mr. Tung talks of the importance of preserving Hong Kong's freedom, he has also said that citizens of Hong Kong should enphasize their obligations, not their rights. He expresses admiration for Lee Kuan Yew's wealthy and repressive Singapore.

If Mr. Tung is no champion of Hong Kong's rights, neither are his competitors for the post. Former Chief Justice Ti Liang Yang even disparaged Hong Kong's bill of rights. The candidates seem well aware that Beijing, which will actually choose the chief executive, considers docility an important qualification for the job.

Hong Kong's rights may fall victim to bad timing. After the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, Deng Xiaoping purged the government of leading reformers. As a result, Beijing is much less tolerant of diseent than when the transfer was first negotiated and sealed in a joint declaration in 1984. the leaders now jostling for power in anticipation of Mr. Deng's death do not want to be accused of softness.

When Christopher patten, the Governor of Hong Kong, reformed the elctoral process for Hong Kong's Legislative Council, beijing seized on the democratization as a pretext to break its agreement. Instead of preserving Hong Kong's elected legislature, as it indicated it would do,

Beijing is now planning to have the same committee of 400 appoint a legislature at the end of December. Chinese officials have warned that they will not allow "rumors or lies" in the press about China, suggesting that beijing will have little tolerance for the press freedoms Hong Kong has enjoyed.

Many in Hong Kong and the West are hoping that Beijing will respect Hong Kong's freedoms and rule of law because it will not want to damage business confidence in an economy that is now equal to a fifth of China's. But Beijing shows no signs of understanding the connection.

The boom in foreign investment in China itself may lead the Chinese to believe that investment in Hong Kong would survive even harsh interference in the territory's politics, media and courts. Few in Hong Kong's business elite have defended the territory's rights. Many businessmen apparently feel they can prosper without political freedoms. Others have not wanted to undercut their individual efforts to befriend Beijing.

The Clinton Administration's determination not to let Chinese misconduct interfere with good relations has damaged Hong Kong's cause further. The United States should call on the Chinese to respect the Joint Declaration, especially the requirement of an elected legislature. It should also encourage Beijing to talk to Hong Kong's current democratically elected leaders. Washington must make it clear that China's goals of good relations, a smooth transition and foreign investment in Hong Kong can only be achieved if Beijing keeps its promises.