.A) News Summary (Part I -- in previous message)
B) Serbian independent media under attack again (Part II)
1. DECLARATION BY THE INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION OF SERBIA
2. IN SERBIA, A MUZZLED PRESS STAGGERS
3. JUSTICE MINISTER SAYS INFORMATION LAW TO BE AMENDED
C) Official crackdown on university
4. REGIME'S MOVES TO STIFLE UNIVERSITY
5. DEJA VU FOR SERBIAN ACADEMICS
D) Signs of struggle within regime
6. RADICALIZATION OF SERBIAN GOVERNMENT
7. PRESS CONFERENCE WITH SERBIA'S VICE-PREMIER VOJISLAV SESELJ AND
RUSSIA'S STATE DUMA VICE SPEAKER SERGEI BABURIN
E) Serbian economy viewed
8. NINEYEAR LONG DOWNFALL OF THE ECONOMY OF YUGOSLAVIA
B) Serbian independent media under attack again
1.DECLARATION BY THE INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION OF SERBIA
Independent Journalists Association of Serbia (Belgrade) -- November 2, 1998
We, the members of the Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia
(IJAS), address ourselves to the public at home and abroad to protest against
and warn about the new Law on Information. Serbia's ten-year informative
darkness has thus become total.
Kept hidden from the public view until the day of its parliamentary
vote, the law was quite unnecessarily adopted under urgent procedure. This
itself indicates that both those who proposed it and those who voted for it
had
a guilty conscience. The law introduced censorship for the first time in the
history of Serbian press, while overtly telling journalists that they are
supposed to lie in the interest of the regime. How else to interpret the newly
stipulated institution of notice by the Information Ministry, designed to
instruct journalists about their writings? Bans and trials to media and people
working therein clearly show that the regime is intent on banishing free press
from Serbia.
This act that can hardly been called legal drastically contradicts the
modern world's judiciary, post-communist countries included. The Law on Public
Information is contrary to Serbian and Yugoslav constitutions and in a
dramatic
opposition to a number of federal and republican laws. It violates basic human
rights, stipulated by the international covenants and treaties and signed by
Yugoslavia as well.
The law's application has abolished free flow of information, deprived
journalists of their rights to decent and professional work and jeopardized
the
very survival of editorial offices, journalists and their families. Draconian
and illegal provisions about property confiscation stand for a legal
intimidation the final goal of which is to practically eliminate journalism as
a profession.
The IJAS will struggle with all its might to have this law
abolished and
a truly democratic one adopted. We appeal to the people of Serbia and to both
non-political and political organizations to join our struggle, as free press
makes a key prerequisite for the free society in Serbia and its democracy and
prosperity. We give our full support to all forms of struggle against
lawlessness.
2. IN SERBIA, A MUZZLED PRESS STAGGERS
Boston Globe - November 13, 1998 (excerpts)
(BELGRADE) ...One newspaper was closed for reporting that another newspaper
had
printed eight blank pages as a protest against the crackdown. The paper that
printed the blank pages was not closed. Those who decide what constitutes
treason are government apparatchiks, as officious as any character in ''Animal
Farm,'' George Orwell's fable about totalitarianism.
While US diplomats are wary of admitting it publicly, many have
privately concluded that economic sanctions aimed at the Milosevic regime are
not working.
More to the point, Milosevic has used economic sanctions to appeal to
Serbs that the whole world is against them. Milosevic is a master at the
politics of despair, and many of his people are seduced by his jingoism.
Many Western diplomats say that if Milosevic is to go, the Serbs must
get rid of him, democratically. Only a free press can expose Milosevic's abuse
of power and show how he has needlessly made his country an international
pariah. No one knows how to accomplish this, however, in a country that is
still culturally communist, with widespread voting fraud and the institutional
suppression of dissent.
It is striking that in the Republic of Serbia, which with Montenegro
forms the Federation of Yugoslavia, one can spend a day talking to people in
its capital and not find one who likes Milosevic. More revealing, perhaps, is
the difficulty many have to name someone they would prefer to Milosevic. One
reason he remains in power is the disarray of the opposition...
''The Serbs don't like Milosevic, but they don't know who they like
better,'' said Bratislav Grubacic, general manager of The Belgrade Times.
...Against this backdrop of apathy, Milos Vasic is trying to mobilize
opposition to the media crackdown. Vasic, president of the Independent
Journalist Association of Serbia, said the absence of constitutional
protection
leaves reporters and news organizations at the mercy of the regime. One tactic
is to publish or broadcast in neighboring Montenegro, which has a constitution
protecting free speech. ''If we have to smuggle newspapers across the border
like cigarettes, we will,'' Vasic promised...
3. JUSTICE MINISTER SAYS INFORMATION LAW TO BE AMENDED
Independent daily Blic (Belgrade), November 16, 1998
We will take the first opportunity to eliminate some controversial
points from the new republican Law on Public Information, but the basic
solutions that the law contains must be retained, Serbian Justice Minister
Dragoljub Jankovic said in an interview for Blic.
[Blic] How are you going to accomplish that?
[Jankovic] By using the federal Law on Public Information that is about to be
adopted.
[Q] Does that mean that the Serbian Law on Public Information, primarily
its
penal provisions, will remain in force only until the adoption of the federal
law on public information?
[A] The public information area remains under the jurisdiction of both the
federal state and the republic. However, we shall try to shift the penal
provisions to regular courts.
[Q] When can we expect this?
[A] As far as I know, the federal law on public information should be
adopted this year...
[Q] That means that cases related to violations of the Law on Public
Information will be tried by regular courts instead of magistrates?
[A] Yes, but courts will have to act quickly and efficiently. The deadline
will probably not be 24 hours, but, for instance, seven days, and the verdict
passed within, let us say, 30 days. I consider that these are appropriate and
civilized deadlines that allow ample time for all parties concerned to
adequately prepare for the lawsuit...
[Q] If the transfer from magistrates to regular courts is done, what
treatment will be accorded to cases related to the violation of the public
information law?
[A] These cases will have priority, and the idea is to have specialized
councils dealing with them. Every court would have such a council, which would
act within the set deadline. These councils would be also exempt from other
duties...
[Q] Considering that a federal law on public information is being prepared,
is it possible that Serbia might cede its regulations regarding the public
information law to the federal state?
[A] The constitution envisages such a possibility, but I am not aware that
such an initiative exists. I only know that a draft federal public information
law has been prepared, and that we will propose that it should incorporate
penal provisions and that trials should be conducted by regular courts...
[Q] What will be the fate of the Criminal Code of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia [FRY] in view of the fact that the Montenegrin Assembly has
withdrawn its approval for its adoption?
[A] ...I am convinced that the decision of the Montenegrin Assembly is
temporary and that it will be changed shortly.
[Q] What is Serbia going to do if the other member of the federal state
adheres to its present stand?
[A] We will probably change our criminal code and very likely use some of
the solutions from the Draft Criminal Code of the FRY...
C) Official crackdown on university
4. REGIME'S MOVES TO STIFLE UNIVERSITY
Independent news service BETA (Belgrade) - 11/5/98
...The pressure being exerted on the universities is closely linked
with
growing strength of the elements of an open dictatorship in Serbian society.
Repression intensified the moment it became clear that Milosevic was prepared
to make an about face in his Kosovo policy, offering the local Albanian
population wide autonomy and allowing international mediation to resolve the
Kosovo crisis....
Disciplining the university started with a "purge" of professors,
those
who served as the role models for the students during the protests of the
winter of 1996/1997. The students and their professors had succeeded in
forcing the authorities to agree to replace the Belgrade University president
Dragutin Velickovic with Dragan Kuburovic in his stead. At that time the
universities had enjoyed autonomy, which means that the University Council had
the authority to elect the president and deans. Half of the council members
were nominated by the government, the other half came from the ranks of
professors.
After forming their coalition government this spring, the Socialist
Party of Serbia [SPS], Yugoslav United Left [JUL] and the Serb Radical Party
[SRS], took as one of their first measures amendments to the Universities Law,
significantly increasing state control over the institutions of higher
learning. The university presidents and college deans were granted a great
amount of authority. They are now appointed by steering committees at the
colleges and universities, over which the authorities enjoy sovereign rule.
The new law stipulates that all professors must sign work contracts
with
the colleges. The professors opposed this regulations, but the majority
signed
the new contracts. Thus most of the professors succumbed to the government
demands. The authorities claim that only 129 professors have not yet signed
the contracts. The "thugs" they hired to implement the will of the
authorities
at some universities, have among their other duties, that of preventing
professors who have failed to sign their contracts from holding lectures and
even to physically evict them from college premises. By not signing the
contracts, the professors have demonstrated their disagreement with the
changes
in the management of higher education, believing that the government was
taking
away the autonomy of the universities.
The students and professors are disunited and disorganized. During the
spring and summer they have not been able to provide serious resistance to the
measures being taken by the authorities. The first signs of revolt showed up
only last month at the Electrotechnical Sciences College, where the
professors
who had been banned from holding lectures started organizing classes in the
streets. At the start of this month the college union initiated a one hour
daily warning strike, threatening that it could soon organize a general strike
if all the professors are not allowed to teach.
The College of Language Sciences, which is currently presided over by
Dean Radmilo Marojevic, has been left without its World Literature department,
which the dean terminated. Students at the college refused to attend lectures
by professors who were brought in as replacements for professors who had
refused to sign contracts. On Nov. 11, the college dean prepared dismissals
for six professors, most from the former World Literature department.
The rigid pressure of the authorities has resulted in the first
sign of
a more radical stand within the students movement. A number of
representatives
and various student organizations announced on 28 October, that a new student
movement OTPOR (Resistance) had been formed with the goal of "struggling
against repression at the university." The organization has been pained to
present itself as a "cell of resistance" to the regime....
....The strength of the OTPOR resistance to organize at this time is
relatively small and it is still unable to initiate an avalanche of student
protests. The authorities, through their loyal deans and university
president,
are in sovereign control of the situation. However, it is impossible to write
off the possibility that the students will try to organize some kind of
popular
protest.
5. DEJA VU FOR SERBIAN ACADEMICS
Radio Free Europe Newsline (Prague) - November 4, 1998 (excerpts)
....Milosevic's stable of rabid nationalists and unreformed Communists
have launched an allout assault not only on the university system but on the
independent media. Not surprisingly, these two sectors are virtually the last
vestiges of free thinking in Serbia. They were also responsible for the most
serious threat to Milosevic's decadelong grip on power: the antigovernment
street protests of winter 19961997.
Curiously, the crackdown on both higher education and the independent
media comes in the wake of the agreement signed by Milosevic and U.S. envoy
Richard Holbrooke. The deal averted NATO military strikes against Serbian
military facilities by promising some sort of autonomy for Kosova, Serbia's
warravaged southern province. Belgrade conspiracy theorists suspect that
Holbrookein expressing the West's desperation to halt the Kosova bloodshedmay
have given Milosevic the green light to bulldoze his domestic opponents. "We
know that compared with a bloody uprising and bloody reaction, what happens to
Serbian professors and the media is puny," conceded Vojin Dimitrijevic, a
prominent law professor at Belgrade University. "But you cannot count on a
lasting settlement when you allow one partner to enact brutally oppressive
laws."
Indeed, Milosevic's recent tactics do not augur well for the Kosova
ceasefire, say dissidents.
Milosevic is entrusted to serve up a palatable autonomy plan for the
ethnic Albanians of Kosova, who took up arms for an independent state. But at
the same time, he crushes the few institutions of autonomy for his own ethnic
brethren.
[Dimitrijevic] is director of the Belgrade Center for Human Rights.
And
since his new dean sent him packing last month, he has helped spearhead the
new
Alternative Academic Educational Network. The postgraduatealbeit
unaccreditedcourses the network will offer will almost certainly draw top
notch
students since they'll be taught by the cream of Serbian scholars. Ultimately,
these outcast professors hope the network may lay the foundation for Serbia's
first independent university...
The state is also driving a wedge between students and faculty.
Students
have been mollifiedfor nowwith looser requirements for passing classes and
more
time to take and retake exams. Some deans, said Jankovic, are also encouraging
some students to inform on their professorswho's talking politics, who's
skipping lectures....
D) Signs of struggle within regime
6. RADICALIZATION OF SERBIAN GOVERNMENT
Independent news service BETA (Belgrade) -- October 29,1998
With the replacement of the head of the Serbian State Security Jovica
Stanisic and the announced dismissal of the vice president of the Socialist
Party of Serbia, Milorad Vucelic, and several other adherents of the socalled
moderate faction in the party, the authorities in Belgrade have attempted to
remove the last remaining obstacles to unhindered activities of the "hardcore"
faction which favors more radical methods in fighting political opponents in
Serbia. It is believed that the hardliners from the Socialist Party and the
Yugoslav Left, and their coalition partner the ultranational Serbian Radical
Party are to be found behind the replacements. Of course, these replacements
were endorsed by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, without whose approval
no serious political move in Serbia or on the federal level is possible.
...On the same day, the Serbian Government appointed Major General
Radomir Markovic, as Stanisic's successor in office. In practice, the
government has purged the state security sector, which, as it appears, will
have less importance in the future than the sector of public security, that
is,
the police. Police Lieutenant General Vlastimir Djurdjevic was appointed
chief
of public security. It is indicative that his rank is higher that the one
held
by the new state security chief. At the same time, Markovic was appointed
assistant to Interior Minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic. Thus, the State Security
which, until now, enjoyed a high degree of independence, that is, was
accountable only to the presidents of Serbia and Yugoslavia, is now firmly
subordinated to the public security and the minister of the interior.
The public security service is considered to be under the influence of
hardliners, primarily from the Yugoslav Left, and similar factions in the
Socialist Party of Serbia and the Serbian Radical Party. The interior
minister
himself, Vlajko Stojiljkovic, is a member of what is unofficially termed "the
Pozarevac clan," which includes politicians from the region of Pozarevac, a
native town of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and his wife, Mirjana
Markovic.
It is rumored that for over a year there has been a strong
disagreement
between these two interior ministry services. The public security ridicules
operatives and officials of the state security by calling them "softies" and
"intellectuals," looking down on their attempts to use "more sophisticated"
methods in keeping order in the country. Allegedly, essential differences
between the two services surfaced during the operations in Kosovo. While the
state security limited itself to antiterrorist activities against armed Kosovo
Liberation Army groups, attempting to avoid wider destruction and civilian
casualties, the heads of the public security insisted on mass actions which
included artillery and tanks, caused widespread destruction, and forced
civilians to flee their homes. The State Security Service, according to
unofficial information, warned on several occasions of the devastating
consequences of such an attitude with the international public, but, according
to these sources, received no support.
It is rumored that the discord between the public and the state
security
is a part of a wider conflict within the Serbian ruling circles which has been
going on since the mass opposition protests in 19961997 over the rigged local
election results. Stanisic's position had been questioned already during the
protests, after he opposed the demands to have greater force used against the
demonstrators. At that time, according to unofficial sources, the use of
brutal force, including firearms, was advocated by the head of theYugoslav
Left
Directorate Mirjana Markovic. The newlyappointed public security head Radomir
Markovic, considered Stanisic's staunchest opponent within the Serbian
Interior
Ministry, is also reputed to have been in favor of stronger measures taken
against the demonstrators.
...Opposition parties are disunited and are incapable of agreeing over
any more serious resistance to a growing might of the Radicals and radical
factions inside the Socialist Party and the Yugoslav Left. Independent and
private media which, until recently, were the only alternative voice in the
country, on a number of occasions called on the opposition leaders to reach an
accord at least on the issue of defending freedom of the press and to extend
support to the threatened media, but to no avail. Itself frightened, the
opposition appears to be awaiting either stronger support from the
international community, or a total economic and political collapse of the
country that would bring about a spontaneous breakup of the authorities.
It is certain that the Serbian authorities, "reinforced" by the
oncoming
Radicals thirsting for power, are convinced that they can remain in control
for
quite some time by implementing strongly repressive measures against the media
and political opponents. In the long run, such an approach would unavoidably
lead to economic collapse of the country and its deeper international
isolation.
In addition, the dismissal of Stanisic and the expected replacement of
Vucelic, who is very proud of his Montenegrin origin and is said to have never
severed his close ties with Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic, might quite
soon once again bring the issue of relations with Montenegro in focus.
Moreso, because Djukanovic's Democratic Party of Socialists has announced its
expansion into Serbia.
Yet another unknown variable should be taken into consideration
when the
Yugoslav "political equation with several unknown variables" is in question
the response of the Yugoslav Army, that is, its Chief of Staff, General
Momcilo
Perisic, who is reputed to share roughly the same views as Stanisic and
Vucelic. The minister of the defense is Pavle Bulatovic, a close collaborator
and a political ally of Momir Bulatovic, the federal prime minister, not
recognized by Montenegro but enjoying Milosevic's support. Vucelic and Perisic
can hardly be classified as belonging to democratic opposition, that is, they
are considered nationalists. Vucelic opposed Milosevic for the first time
when the peace plans for Bosnia were being negotiated, and was consequently
removed from public life. His fall from grace ended after the 19961997 civic
protest, when the regime needed to consolidate its shaken position.
7. PRESS CONFERENCE WITH SERBIA'S VICE-PREMIER VOJISLAV SESELJ AND
RUSSIA'S
STATE DUMA VICE SPEAKER SERGEI BABURIN, MOSCOW - November 6, 1998 (excerpts)
(SESELJ) -- We took part in the meeting of the Parliamentary
Assembly of
Russia and Byelorussia. We would like to have the status of permanent
observers
at the next meeting and in the future we would want to be associated members.
Parallel to this, our party would want Yugoslavia to become a
full-fledged member of the Union. This idea is supported by lots of people
both
in Yugoslavia and Russia. This is also supported by outstanding political
personalities. There is no resistance to this from any serious politician.
There are elements both in my country and in Russia that are pro-NATO. But
they
have no influence whatsoever on the Serb people or the Russian people. For
instance, these are such newspapers as Nasa Borba, Danas, Vremja, Min. In
Russia these are Kommersant-Daily, Izvestia, Novye Izvestia. Who reads such
newspapers?
These newspapers exist only to serve as mouthpieces of the Western
press. I have not met a single Russian patriot who regards these as serious
newspapers. The things that these newspapers print in recent days are
ludicrous
to both Russians and Serbs. In fact, this does not even merit our attention.
They will exist as long as they get paid by the West...
(Q) ...Does the Serb side intend to appeal to the United Nations to
denounce the policy of double standards with respect to Yugoslavia and one of
NATO members? This is my first question.
(SESELJ) ...We have a terrible experience with NATO in the Serb
Republic. In 1995 there were bombings there. The bombs had a uranium filling.
That is why many sick babies are born. A lot of vegetation has been destroyed.
Many waters have been polluted. In Serb Sarajevo people cannot drink tap
water.
Tell me, is there any difference between NATO and Hitler? There is
only
one difference now -- in the number of casualties. As to the methods, they are
very similar -- lies, slander, hatred for humanity. If NATO is not stopped in
time, who can guarantee us that in several years they will not build
concentration camps and will not engage in genocide of a European people. Like
in the Hitler case, the world has been thinking of ways to behave for too
long.
NATO is guided by totalitarian ideology. Naturally, it is better developed
than
fascism. For several years they had managed to conceal their real intentions.
But all masks have now been removed.
E) Serbian economy viewed
8. NINE-YEAR LONG DOWNFALL OF THE ECONOMY OF YUGOSLAVIA
Association of Independent Media (Podgorica) -- November 5, 1998 (excerpts)
Exactly nine years ago, economic collapse of Serbia has begun and it
has not been interrupted to this day. In autumn 1989, Serbian authorities
broke
into the monetary system of the former Yugoslavia, and took more than two
billion dollars for pensions. After this notorious move which undermined the
economic foundations of the country which at that moment had at its disposal
almost 10 billion dollars of foreign currency reserves, the political
dissolution of former SFRY began.
...Life is also becoming harder due to the evident intention to burden
the citizens with some of the expenses that the state or the economy used to
cover. Numerous taxes and duties are introduced, and expenses for municipal
service have been increased. With the average pay which reached 1,138
dinars in
September, it is unthinkable that anyone can think of replacing dilapidated
household appliances. According to the words of merchants, daily expenditure
per buyer is hardly 20 dinars which indicates that the salaries are spent
solely on the basic victuals.
Statisticians have calculated that the socalled monthly basket of food
for a family of four costs 2,297 dinars, or twice more than the average
monthly
pay. From the 1.6 employed persons per household, this figure has dropped to
less than one, but it should be noted that many work but are not paid for it,
while many do not work but receive a salary which is irregular and very
low, of
course. The question which arises is how the Yugoslavs manage to survive,
because with 150 German marks it is difficult to make ends meet even in Africa
where expenses, thanks to the climate, for clothing and footwear are lower,
but
also even for food.
Salvation is sought in the grey economy which reaches almost half of
the value of the annual social product of 108 billion dinars planned to be
made
by the end of this year. The federal government, back at the time of prime
minister Radoje Kontic,made a plan to put grey economy under control. Even the
current prime minister Momir Bulatovic, at the time of his inauguration,
announced that one of the most immediate tasks of his cabinet would be a
struggle against grey economy. It turned out, however, that grey economy is
much tougher and more resistant to the attempts to be put under
jurisdiction of
the currently valid laws and regulations...
The regime itself has become aware of that, so it seems to have given
up on the intention to "discipline" grey economy. It decided to transfer a
large portion of the expenses on its citizens. That is why the highest ever
participation in the health care expenses paid by the citizens has been
introduced, as well as in those of prescribed drugs. School fees have also
been
introduced with the intention to increase them, and expenses of municipal
services, along with their entire uneconomical burden, have been shifted to
the
citizens. Belgraders pay a special city tax of three per cent on everything
they buy, which are used for financing city infrastructure. It proved in
Belgrade that the opposition, which is in power in the capital, is capable of
solving all the problems only by raising prices, just as the regime is
doing on
the state level. It seems that the logic which prevails is that as income of
the citizens goes down, they should be levied with additional expenses.
After a certain pause caused by the developments in Kosovo, the social
dimension of life is gaining priority again. This is characteristic for the
winter, because during this time of the year expenses go up for heating,
expensive electric power, warm clothes and footwear. With about 150 German
marks received on the average by the Yugoslavs it is impossible to meet any of
these winter living expenses in Serbia.
