Paris, Thursday, December 10, 1998IHT p. 10
Teaming Up to Make Human Rights
a Universal Fact
By Ramesh Thakur International Herald Tribune
TOKYO - Fifty years ago, conscious of the atrocities
committed by the Nazis while the world looked silently
away, the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights. It is the embodiment and the
proclamation of the human rights norm.
Covenants in 1966 added force and specificity, affirming
both civil-political and social-economic-cultural rights,
without privileging either set. Together with the
declaration, they mapped out the international human rights
agenda, established the benchmark for state conduct,
inspired provisions in many national laws and international
conventions, and provided a beacon of hope to many whose
rights had been snuffed out by brutal regimes.
A right is a claim, an entitlement that may neither be
conferred nor denied. A human right, owed to every person
simply as a human being, is inherently universal. Held only
by human beings, but equally by all, it does not flow from
any office, rank or relationship.
The idea of universal rights is denied by some who insist
that moral standards are always culture-specific. If value
relativism were to be accepted literally, then no autocrat -
Hitler, Stalin, Idi Amin, Pol Pot - could be criticized by
outsiders for any action.
Relativism is often the first refuge of repressive
governments. The false dichotomy between development
and human rights is usually a smoke screen for corruption
and cronyism.
Relativism requires an acknowledgment that each culture
has its own moral system. Government behavior is still
open to evaluation by the moral code of its own society.
Internal moral standards can comply with international
conventions. But because moral precepts vary from culture
to culture does not mean that different peoples do not hold
some values in common.
Few if any moral systems proscribe the act of killing
absolutely under all circumstances. At different times, in
different societies, war, capital punishment or abortion may
or may not be morally permissible.
Yet for every society, murder is always wrong. All societies
require retribution to be proportionate to the wrong done.
All prize children, the link between succeeding generations
of human civilization; every culture abhors their abuse.
The doctrine of national security has been especially
corrosive of human rights. It is used frequently by
governments, charged with the responsibility to protect
citizens, to assault them instead. Under military rule, the
instrument of protection from without becomes the means
of attack from within.
An argument sometimes invoked for a policy of ''See
nothing, hear nothing, do nothing'' is that an activist
concern would worsen the plight of victims. Prisoners of
conscience beg to disagree. It is important to them to know
that they have not been forgotten. Lack of open criticism is
grist to the propaganda mill of repressive regimes.
The United Nations - an organization of, by and for
member states - has been impartial and successful in a
standard-setting role; selectively successful in monitoring
abuses, and almost feeble in enforcement. Governments
usually subordinate considerations of UN effectiveness to
the principle of noninterference.
The modesty of UN achievement should not blind us to its
reality. The universal declaration embodies the moral code,
political consensus and legal synthesis of human rights.
The world has grown vastly more complex in the 50 years
since. But the simplicity of the declaration's language belies
the passion of conviction underpinning it. Its elegance has
been the font of inspiration down the decades. Its provisions
comprise the vocabulary of complaint.
Activists and nongovernmental organizations use the
declaration as the concrete point of reference against which
to judge state conduct. The covenants require the
submission of periodic reports by signatory countries, and
so entail the creation of long-term national infrastructures
for the protection and promotion of human rights.United
Nations efforts are greatly helped by nongovernmental
organizations and other elements of civil society. NGOs
work to protect victims and contribute to the development
and promotion of social commitment and to the enactment
of laws reflecting the more enlightened human rights
culture.
Between them, the United Nations and nongovernmental
organizations have achieved many successes. National laws
and international instruments have been improved, many
political prisoners have been freed and some victims of
abuse have been compensated. The United Nations has
helped also by creating the post of high commissioner for
human rights.
The most recent advances on international human rights are
the progressive incorporation of wartime behavior and
policy within the prohibitionary provisions of humanitarian
law. Last year's Ottawa treaty banning anti-personnel land
mines subordinated military calculations to humanitarian
concerns about a weapon that cannot distinguish a soldier
from a child. This year the world community established
the first International Criminal Court. The U.S. absence
from both shows the extent to which human rights have
moved ahead of their strongest advocate in the past.
Both examples illustrate the rise of nongovernmental
organizations as actors with real influence on global issues
that arouse public passions. Recognizing this, skillful
governments engage civil society, and work in partnership
with the organizations and the United Nations. The
transition from the barbarism of atrocities to the culture of
human rights requires no less.
The writer, vice rector of the United Nations University in
Tokyo, contributed this personal comment to the
International Herald Tribune.