TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF MY COUNTRY

TO THE PRIME MINISTERS OF EU AND NATO COUNTRIES

I have decided to fast in order to strenghten the words I intend to address to you. To strenghten my will do dialogue with you, to strenghten your disponibility and your will to listen, to your intelligence.

I am grateful to those countries that have decided to use armed forces in order to stop a genocyde. Like the Mahatma Gandhi I am convinced that when there is no way to be effective using nonviolence and its strenght, the superior force of dialogue, the Sathyagraha, the duty to abstain from passivity and complicity facing violence and aggression imposes to choose force standing on the side of those whose rights are violated.

But I am also aware that the fact that today it is possible only to choose between complicity with the authors of massacres and violent reaction to stop massacres, it is a defeat in itself.

Passivity, complicity by so many countries - European countries above all - that for at least ten years have permitted Milosevic to increase his strenght and its capacity to massacre first of all freedom and rights of the citizens of his own countries, this passivity is a defeat of those governments that have managed that policy, but it is also a defeat of all the citizens, of the all of us.

This defeat involves the all of us. It is also a defeat of us.

I support the armed action of Nato countries, and I fear prudences that seem to be or become probable.

I am addressing you with precise requests, being aware of one thing, first of all: massacres involve also me, involve my life, my intelligence, my soul, since a long time they have crossed any limit of everybody's cynism.

More precisely, the long ten years passed so far, and these numerous weeks of massacres for life and law, make evident how much every decision of international policy made by governments bring direct consequences and costs to each and every individual, to each and everybody of us.

Having permitted for at least ten years to the government of Belgrade massacres and ethnic cleansings, making that regime more strong, first of all more able to reprime the citizens of the Republic of Yugoslavia, has been costing and has costed a lot also for us, also for the inhabitants of countries where there are not, currently, massacres of human lifes. In the international frame, decisions or absence of decisions, the absence of a joint policy by the member states of the European Union, have a huge cost, and continue having a huge cost.

For us, for each of us. And also economic costs.

What is happening involves us, and it involves our intelligence, our conscience, our interests, including our economic interests.

No government can avoid such a responsibility, if not denying its own quality of being a democratic government.

It is just because of such an awareness that I ask you to act, I request you to act with precise initiatives: I intend to speak to your intelligence, to your conscience, by fasting.

- I am on fast asking your government to transmit immediately to the International Tribunal on Crimes Committed in Former Yugoslavia every document, every evidences, every prooves it holds regarding crimes on which the Tribunal itself is competent. Being a citizen of an European country, being a tax payer, being a citizen and a tax payer both of my country and of the European Union, I believe it is reasonable that your government and the governments of the EU and the governments of the transnational community to have collected during over ten years evidences and prooves on the massacres and on their authors. It is sure that any intelligence service financed by the tax-payers holds prooves and evidences, documents that can be and are enormously important for the Prosecutor Office of the Hague Tribunal and for the Tribunal itself. It should not be fergotten that the penal systems of these countryes themselves provide hiding prooves and obstacles to the jurisdictional activity as being crimes.

- I am on fast because I am convinced - like the over 200.000 individuals who have requested the Prosecutor Office of The Hague Tribunal to indict Milosevic for crimes against humanity - that indicting the dictator of Belgrade is the only way to affirm law and right, and their strenght: it would have been and it would be able to stop massacres, ethnic cleansing, that are based on the persistent legitimacy of Milosevic.

- I am on fast to ask you to openly express your will and the will of your government to ask the General Prosecutor in The Hague to indict Slobodan Milosevic as the main responsible of the current massacres and of the massacres decided and planned during the last ten years.

- I am on fast to affirm my conviction that the most effective weapon, the one able to reach the most durable effects, is the practice of law, the practice of its strenght. It is because of it that I am on fast, asking your country to sign or to ratify immediately the Treaty creating the International Criminal Court, which statute was approved by the International Conference of Rome last July. I am addressing - because of that - also the Parliament of your country.

I intend and pretend to be represented. I have suffered a defeat, because of the responsibility of your country; now I pretend a new will and a new intelligence, a new policy, a policy able to represent the interests of each and every individual.

- I am on fast above all for the sake of myself: it is a precise interest of mine to be correctely represented by the institutions of my country, since their first duty is representing my interests.

- I am on fast for the right of citizens of Serbia and Montenegro, victims of the violence of a regime that oppresses and kills them, such as of the passivity of other European countries.

- I am on fast because I pretend that who represent me stop imposing defeates to those persons, like me, pretend from institutions of her/his country a policy able to affirm and to conquer, together with the right for life, the life of law, democracy, legality, Law.

- I am on fast asking your Government to act in order to preserve the life of President Milosevic, in order to let him to be indicted and tried by the Tribunal on Crimes committed in former Yugoslavia: its Statute does not allow to punish anybody with the death penalty;

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