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Partito Radicale Michele - 30 agosto 1999
OSI/SERBIA WATCH #91

SERBIA WATCH #91 - AUGUST 28, 1999

Serbia Watch, a bulletin on civil society, political and economic developments

in Serbia and Montenegro, is issued by the Open Society Institute (Washington

Office). Please communicate any questions, comments

or requests to receive Serbia Watch to Kristine Powers at 202-496-2401 or

.

--------------------------------------------

"If in 15 days, we wake up and they are still there, Serbia will come out onto

the streets in 50 towns with the message: 'We are staying on until you go.' "

Zoran Djindjic, Democratic Party leader

Agence France Presse, August 20 -- Belgrade

"The problem [for the opposition] is that there is no clear plan, and the old

foxes of the regime know that... Talking about the history of democracy in

Serbia is like talking about a vegetarian crocodile. It sounds nice, but does

not exist."

Nenad Canak, Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians leader

Quoted by the Christian Science Monitor, August 20 - Belgrade

"There is only one way through democratic early elections held by the end of

October or beginning of November. Otherwise we will face the hell of civil

war."

Vuk Draskovic, Serbian Renewal Movement leader

Quoted by Reuters, August 21 - Belgrade

"Our intention is to cause a split in the ruling parties, while Draskovic is

offering salvation for the regime."

Mladjan Dinkic, leader of the G-17 independent group of economists

Quoted by BETA news agency, August 24 - Belgrade

"If the regime does not change, the sovereignty of Yugoslavia over Kosovo will

be more and more contested... Conversely, the installation of a democratic

regime boosts the chances of a combination of Yugoslav sovereignty and Kosovo

autonomy... We [also] want to be able to ease [sanctions] and then lift them.

But at this stage nothing should be done that could be exploited by the current

regime. The Serb opposition to Milosevic understands this."

France's Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine

Quoted by Le Figaro (Paris), August 28 - Paris

"There can be no stability between Serbia and Montenegro as long as Milosevic

stays in power."

Dragan Soc, Montenegro's Minister of Justice

Interviewed in Vienna Der Standard, August 18 - Podgorica

"We do believe that Milosevic's efforts to consolidate power have led to

repeated violations of the Yugoslav federal constitution, in particular the

rights and privileges of Montenegro. In particular, Belgrade has sought to

strip Montenegro's constitutional rights and powers and has prevented

Montenegro from playing its constitutional role in the federal government. We

continue to believe that Montenegro's leaders have demonstrated a measured and

rational approach to political and economic reform, which we support. We

commend their efforts to work within the FRY for reforms that would bring

democracy and a better life to all Yugoslav citizens."

US State Department spokesman James Rubin

August 5 - Washington

------------------------------------------------

I. FURTHER CRACKS REPORTED IN REGIME

* The Financial Times reported August 25 that "sources said Mr Milosevic was

also concerned at the low morale within the SPS [ruling Socialist Party] and

signs of disintegration. Boguljub Karic, one of the richest Serbs and head of

the Brothers Karic business empire, has tendered his resignation from the

Serbian government, as has Mirko Marjanovic, the prime minister, on health

grounds. Rumors are also sweeping Belgrade about the loyalty of Milan

Milutinovic, Serbia's president, and Zoran Lilic, recently removed as federal

Yugoslav deputy prime minister."

* Agence France Presse reported August 23 that Vladan Batic, coordinator of the

coalition Alliance for Change and head of the Christian Democrat Party, told

reporters: " 'The regime has nowhere to go, since it has been surrounded from

all sides. The cracks in the system are increasing day by day,' He did not

state exactly which members of the Milosevic regime had had these contacts, and

the report could not be independently confirmed. But Batic said that 'several

top officials' of Milosevic's regime 'went to see [US Balkan Envoy Robert]

Gelbard' who had a series of meetings with the Alliance and other opposition

figures in early August in Serbia's partner republic Montenegro. 'Several

people from the top of the regime are trying to pull out, looking for a retreat

for themselves,' said Batic, a coordinator of the Alliance. 'They are sending

different messages everywhere. There are sways and hesitations and his

(Milosevic's) hierarchy is not as firm as it has been so far,' Batic said....

Among those seeking to distance themselves from the regime, according to Batic,

are the Serbian minister for privatisation, the wealthy Bogoljub Karic,

vice-premier Ratko Markovic, in charge of Kosovo, Zoran Lilic, the Yugoslav

deputy premier who was dismissed earlier this month, and Vukasin Jokanovic,

Yugoslav state prosecutor."

* A report on Karic entitled "Lots of Promises No Results," published August

20 in state-run weekly Politika, alleged that Karic had "did more harm than

good" to the state in his business dealings, citing as "an illustrative

example... the credit arrangement between the Karic Bank and the Belgrade

Thermo Power Plants for paying of imported gas... which Karic is now canceling.

According to information we obtained in this [Yugoslav Energy] ministry, the

Belgrade Power Plants signed a contract with Karic Bank on 14 January 1999,

arranging for a loan of 240 million dinars... So far Karic Bank paid the Power

Plants 59,286,526 dinars, and as called for by the contract, prepaid another

2,331,852 German Marks. Even though the Karic Bank did not pay the Power Plants

the entire sum of approved loans and paid only one seventh of the agreed sum,

Karic Bank charged interest on the entire agreed sum. So, it turns out that the

Karic Bank is charging 25.35 dinars for one German Mark. Since Karic's original

condition was that the calculated value of the mark should be 12.6 dinars and

this was at a time when the mark was 7 dinars on the black market it turns

out, on the basis of the agreed exchange rate, that the Bank owes 2,128,602

marks, in other words, that the Belgrade Power Plants paid 26,820,280 dinars

more than the Karic Bank had exchanged into hard currency."

* Independent Radio B2-92 (Belgrade) reported on August 19: "The spokesman for

the Yugoslav United Left [JUL--ruling coalition party] in Novi Sad, Roman

Vehovec, today resigned from his post and renounced his JUL membership in

disgust over the party's policy. In a letter distributed to the media, Vehovec

called on all honorable members of JUL to publicly distance themselves from the

party's activities as soon as possible and contribute to the halting of the

general state of decline. He said that the JUL was unscrupulously participating

in the deepening of dramatic social differences and in the preservation of an

unproductive and backward authority."

* Radio B2-92 reported August 25 that "a number of officials have been to see

[US Balkan envoy Robert] Gelbard. It is not only people from the Alliance for

Change who have been to see him. In an attempt to secure a retreat for

themselves, several officials from the very top of the regime have been trying

to pull out. They have been sending messages all over the place asking for the

embargo on those 300 people [regime officials and leading supporters under visa

ban in Europe and North America] to be lifted. They will renounce Slobo

[Yugoslavia's President Slobodan Milosevic] and Milo [Serbia's President Milan

Milutinovic] for ever in order to be allowed by the EU to leave the country.

Their hierarchy is no longer as monolithic as it has been so far. There are

pressures, cracks, there is [wealthy ex-minister Bogoljub] Karic, [Deputy Prime

Minister] Ratko Markovic, [Yugoslav State Prosecutor] Vukasin Jokanovic and

[former deputy Prime Minister Zoran] Lilic - two, three, five - their number is

growing and we will soon see other sensations. Statements of different nature

and different tenor will start coming from within the General Staff soon. At

the same press conference Batic said that no representative of the present

regime had tried to make contacts with the Alliance of Change."

* In an August 24 broadcast, Radio B2-92 noted: "Several generals of the

Yugoslav Army's 3rd Army have issued a statement saying that the Yugoslav Army

will prevent a fratricidal war. They said that the Yugoslav Army was no longer

a political institution and that it would not play a role on the political

stage, but would unreservedly respect the political will displayed by the

people of Yugoslavia at elections. In a letter published by [the Belgrade-based

daily] 'Blic'today, Generals Ljubisa Stojimirovic, Vladimir Lazarevic, Negoslav

Nikolic, Tomislav Mladenovic and Milan Djakovic warned against the dangerous

claims, in circulation for some time now, that the Yugoslav Army and Gen

[Nebojsa] Pavkovic [Third Army commander] were angry with the opposition and

that Pavkovic had threatened some members of the opposition."

II. SPLITS IN OPPOSITION, REGIME AMID PUBLIC DEMONSTRATIONS

Big Belgrade demonstration showcases public discontent, opposition divisions

* The Daily Telegraph (London) reported August 20 that "more than "100,000

people demanded the resignation of Slobodan Milosevic in Belgrade last night...

In the biggest demonstration in Serbia for three years, protesters carried

banners outside the National Assembly building saying 'Slobo, please just

go'... and chanted 'Red Bandits.' " Reuters noted August 20 that "the campaign

to oust President Slobodan Milosevic has got a shot in the arm with a mass

protest rally in Belgrade but the demonstration barely papered over the cracks

between his bitterly divided opponents. More than 100,000 people turned out to

hear opposition leaders tell them it was high time that Milosevic stepped

down. Thereafter the messages were mixed, with one giving him just 15 days to

step down, another setting a deadline of September 21 and a third calling for

elections in November."

* The New York Times noted August 20 that "the opposition's rivalries and

clashing strategies were... on display Thursday, with the drama of the night

being the effort of Vuk Draskovic, leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, the

largest party in the opposition, to hijack a rally he had sworn he would not

attend.... In a clumsy bit of political fakery booed by many in the crowd, Mr.

Draskovic, who had withdrawn his name from the list of speakers, essentially

crashed the rally, coming on stage surrounded by bodyguards, in response, he

said, to the demands of his supporters in the crowd. His ploy was an almost

exact re-creation of a sudden appearance by Mr. Milosevic at a rally on the

spot 10 years ago. While Mr. Draskovic was almost forced by the size of the

turnout to attend, he also criticized many of the ideas of other opposition

leaders, saying that early elections under fair conditions were the only

sensible way to change Serbia and finally overthrow Mr. Milosevic." Independent

news agency BETA (Belgrade) reported August 20 that "Vuk Draskovic, the leader

of the largest parliamentary opposition party, the Serbian Renewal Movement,

put in an unexpected appearance at the podium, although he was not on the

announced list of speakers, and in a long speech called for the scheduling of

early elections in Serbia and peaceful changes, telling the assembled people

that transitional governments cannot be formed in the streets. Draskovic's

speech was interrupted with whistling and shouts 'Vuk, go away!' Immediately

after his speech, Draskovic left the rally."

* The New York Times reported August 20 "there was no immediate response from

the Milosevic government to the opposition demands or to the protest Thursday,

but government-controlled news media on Friday sought to play down the size of

the demonstration, paint its organizers as pawns of the United States and the

North Atlantic Treaty Organization and emphasize splits in opposition ranks.

The newspaper Politika, considered a Milosevic mouthpiece, called the gathering

a ''NATO rally,'' said it had been a ''failure'' and published a photo of

protesters fleeing a tear-gas grenade that exploded in the crowd shortly after

the event started."

* The Daily Telegraph (London) reported August 20: "Milosevic's unpopularity

was underlined on Wednesday night when more than 50,000 football fans chanted

anti-regime slogans after a power cut interrupted the Yugoslavia v Croatia

European championship tie. The state-controlled broadcaster switched to a

studio discussion rather than allow the chants to be heard by viewers. The

power cut is likely to be the first of many following the 11-week NATO

bombardment and some observers believe Milosevic could call a snap election

before winter." The New York Times reported August 19 that when the lights went

out, "suddenly chants aimed at Mr. Milosevic echoed around the stadium, with

many of the 60,000 people there yelling, 'Slobo leave!' and a chant that goes

in part, 'Slobo, you've sold out Kosovo!' "

* Independent news agency BETA (Belgrade) reported August 24 that

"approximately 6,000 people demonstrated against Yugoslav President Slobodan

Milosevic and backed the opposition Alliance for Change at a rally in the town

of Smederevo on Aug. 23. The rally, organized by the Alliance, turned out to

be the largest ever held in Smederevo. It was opened by Vuk Obradovic,

president of the Social Democracy party, who said Serbia was a poor country

with rich government officials. Alliance for Change coordinator Vladan Batic

and author Svetislav Basara reiterated demands for Milosevic's resignation and

stressed the importance of forming a transitional government headed by former

Yugoslav central bank governor Dragoslav Avramovic. In Kragujevac, several

hundred people were present at the 30th protest rally in a row organized by the

Alliance for Change and Alliance of Democratic Parties. Here, too,

demonstrators demanded that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic step down and

that his regime leave power.

* Reuters reported August 18 that "Serbian opposition leaders attracted a

record 25,000 people to a protest rally in Nis, on the eve of a major

demonstration in Belgrade against Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. ...

Police kept a low profile at the rally, as at previous demonstrations, most

which have only attracted only around four or five thousand people each. But

official concern about the protest movement was visible in the sudden

reappearance, after a month of shortages, of cheap edible oil, sugar, flour and

gasoline in the town, around 170 miles southwest of Belgrade."

American officials meet with opposition

* BETA news agency reported August 24 that "representatives of the Serbian

opposition have been holding talks today in Budva with James Dobbins, the new

US envoy for the Balkans, Vladan Batic, coordinator of the Alliance for Change,

confirmed for Beta. In a telephone conversation, Batic said that, in addition

to himself, the talks had been attended by Zoran Djindjic, leader of the

Democratic Party; Vuk Obradovic of Social Democracy; Velimir Ilic of New

Serbia; Nebojsa Covic of the Democratic Alternative; Miodrag Isakov of the

Reformist Democratic Party of Vojvodina; Branislav Kovacevic of the Sumadija

Coalition; and Maja Tasic, member of the presidency of the Civic Alliance of

Serbia. Batic said that the representatives of the opposition had asked the US

diplomat to 'help find a mechanism to protect' the Serbs in Kosovo and secure

the return of the Serbian refugees...leaders of the Alliance for Change, Batic

added, conveyed to James Dobbins the alliance's views of Serbia's

democratization, that is, that it is necessary to have Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia President Slobodan Milosevic step down and then to have a

transitional government formed and elections organized at all levels. The

participants in the talks agreed that 'only a democratic Serbia and Yugoslavia'

could count on being reintegrated into the European and world institutions,

Batic said."

Regime reported moving to early elections

* Reuters said August 27 that "Serbia's leftwing ruling coalition has decided

to organise early local elections on November 7 and hold a general election on

the same day if the opposition agrees, a Serbian newspaper said on Wednesday.

The report in the independent Blic daily, which cited a highly placed source in

the coalition, follows government hints it might call an early poll to try to

defuse an opposition campaign to oust Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.

The opposition Democratic Party responded by saying Serbia had never had fully

free and fair elections and there was no reason to think the government would

change its spots now. 'Popular protests throughout Serbia have scared the

regime, which is now trying to keep them at bay by announcing some kind of

early elections,' it said in a statement... Blic said 30 seats from Kosovo,

which went to the government in the last election, would remain empty, and be

filled only after the expiry of the U.N. mission there. It said the ruling

parties expected the opposition to take 90 seats in the 250member Serbian

parliament, leaving the parties run by Milosevic and his wife with a majority

in coalition with the ultranationalist Radicals."

*The Washington Times noted August 19 that "President Slobodan Milosevic's

party offered yesterday to hold early elections - a last-minute concession

aimed at defusing Yugoslavia's political crisis... 'We believe that there are

more important things on the nations's agenda than the elections, but if the

opposition wants that, so be it, Ivica Dacic, a spokesman for Milosevic's

ruling Socialist party, told the Associated Press." The Guardian (London)

reported August 20 that "in reality, President Milosevic could be well-advised

to call elections this autumn. His position is stronger now than it was

directly after NATO's bombing campaign. His advisers may be calculating that

the president's fortunes cannot get much better, but can certainly get worse."

The Washington Post reported August 20: "The move appeared to reflect a

calculation that the opposition parties may be too deeply divided to win -- and

that the situation can only get worse for Milosevic the longer he waits to take

action. The government especially dreads the onset of winter, when the country

is expected to face a heating crisis because of a shortage of electricity.

Political analysts also see the offer of early elections as a ploy to buy time

so Milosevic can further undermine the opposition and defuse pressure on him to

resign. Opposition parties are split on conditions for new elections, with some

insisting that they should be held only after Milosevic steps down and once

changes are made to election and media laws that favor his government."

*State-run Radio Belgrade August 26 noted that Serbia's Vice Premier and leader

of the Serbian Radical Party "[Vojislav] Seselj... replying to journalists'

questions... denied that the Radicals had agreed with coalition partners about

calling local elections for November. Nobody is going to prevent early

elections, Seselj said, and pointed out that the Radicals are advocating that

local elections be held by end of the year, federal elections in the spring,

and republican elections about the end of next year. The Radicals are also

ready for elections at all levels to be held on the same day, Seselj said."

* Reuters reported August 23 that "opposition leaders are particularly

concerned over possible early local polls, fearing Milosevic may try to take

over the local power bases that they are using to organise the protests, which

they plan to accelerate next month. Blic said the government would ask the

opposition to agree to hold a general election alongside the local poll on

November 7, adding that it might be ready to meet two opposition demands. These

are the abolition of a restrictive information law and the presence of a

mission from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to

monitor the election process." Reuters noted August 19 that Serbian Radical

Party Leader and deputy Prime Minister of Serbia Vojislav Seselj "fueled fears

among the opposition by saying local elections should be held before

parliamentary and presidential polls." BETA news agency reported "the Belgrade

daily Blic on Aug. 25 carried a statement from a source close to the ruling

establishment, saying that the elections...would only be at the local level,

with general elections possibly being held later."

Draskovic agrees to early elections, favors negotiations with Milosevic

* BETA news agency reported August 23 that "speaking on Studio B television,

Serbian Renewal Movement [SPO] president Vuk Draskovic repeated on Aug. 22 his

previous stand that the concept of forming transitional governments for Serbia

and Yugoslavia was 'destroyed in the Belgrade rally,' again backing the holding

of early elections before the year is out as a way of overcoming the political

crisis. However, he added that his party rejects the idea of Serbia being a

single voting district, instead supporting having numerous voting districts and

a proportional electoral system at all levels of government. As preconditions

for elections, Draskovic named amendments to the Serbian Information Law and

changes in the editorial policy of state television." State news agency Tanjug

reported August 22: "Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) chairman Vuk Draskovic

voiced his determined opposition this evening to those on the opposition

political scene who are promoting civil war and violence, saying that he and

his party would not let blood flow in Serbia. In an interview with TV Studio

B....the SPO leader gave his support to 'real change, without violence,' adding

that 'a government elected in democratic elections would not be isolated from

the world.' "

* Reuters reported August 21 that "Draskovic Friday ruled out further contacts

with other members of the opposition, who he blamed for the unfriendly

reception he got at a mass protest rally in Belgrade.... He said the idea of

interim governments had been buried Thursday night [August 19] and reiterated

that the only way to change the current regime was through early elections that

should be held by the last quarter of this year... Draskovic said street

protests were not excluded as a means of forcing the government into accepting

international rules for the polls, but said direct negotiations should be tried

first."

* BETA news agency noted August 23 that "the start of Renewal's election

campaign was also marked by firmly placing the operations of TV station Studio

B to work for the interests of the party. Studio B, which is controlled by

Renewal as the ruling party in Belgrade, on several occasions on the day

following the rally broadcast an edited report from the rally, sans the

whistles against Draskovic. Vuk Draskovic was presented as the keynote speaker

at the rally, while supporters of other opposition parties were described as

"so-called democrats" and the like. At the start of this week the Renewal

Movement additionally intensified the campaign, indirectly suggesting that a

clear enemy tie exists between the Alliance for Changes and NATO, that is to

say those who had bombed the country. This was an effort to bring the

opposition party closer to the ruling coalition, which bases its campaign

against the opposition on the stand that they are "traitorous" and that they

wish to allow NATO countries to occupy Serbia."

* A report in today's New York Times, based on an interview with Serbia's

Democracy Party leader Zoran Djindjic, said: "Djindjic says free elections will

not be possible while Milosevic is President. Still, in the interview

Djindjic said clearly for the first time that his party and the larger

opposition coalition, the Alliance for Change, would have to take part in early

elections, even with Milosevic in power that they could not credibly boycott

the vote, as they did in 1997. But he said they would try to organize the

election as 'a referendum on Milosevic,' running slates of candidates that did

not include party leaders but would be headed by respected nonpoliticians like

Dragoslav Avramovic, the former Central Bank head who brought down

Yugoslavia's hyperinflation in 1994, and Momcilo Perisic, who was fired by

Milosevic in November as army chief of staff. After meeting with American

officials, Djindjic said he had assurances that these men would agree to lead

such a slate. 'We'd say O.K. to elections, but have two million in the streets

to wait for the results as a kind of electoral control,' he said. He would hope

that street pressure and the imploding of the Government would cause Milosevic

to step down, so that 'truly free elections' could then take place with all

party leaders running."

* Agence France Presse August 26 quoted Djindjic:" 'We don't want these

elections... Elections with Milosevic in power will be manipulated. We are

seeking other means - by democratic protest. There must be changes first of

all.' Djindjic, head of the Democratic Party (DS) which dominates the

opposition Alliance for Change in Serbia, reiterated his view that a temporary

government of technocrats in Yugoslavia must first of all demolish Milosevic's

monopoly of power before elections can be held. Associated Press noted August

23 that "Djindjic and the Alliance are saying there could be no free and fair

vote with Milosevic in power. ''The precondition is that Milosevic goes,''

Batic told reporters Monday."

* Independent news service BETA (Belgrade) reported August 24 that "Mladjan

Dinkic, one of the authors of the Serbian Stability Pact, expressed on Aug. 23

the hope that a transitional government of experts would be formed if the

Serbian Renewal Movement were willing to sign a political agreement to that

effect and abandon its plans to call for the holding of early elections under

existing conditions. If Renewal runs in early elections at this time, that

will be a sign that this party 'has definitely made an alliance with the

regime,' Dinkic said in a statement to BETA. Dinkic, who is also coordinator

of the G-17 group of independent economists, said early elections should not be

held now because conditions are 'irregular,' because of possible power outages

during polling and return processing, and because there is a 'blockade of the

media.' "

* Reuters reported August 26 that the "Democratic Party and its allies are

trying to force Milosevic to step aside before a poll, fearing he might

manipulate the results. They also fear Draskovic. 'The realistic possibility

that some opposition parties might come to Milosevic's rescue after elections

by forming a government with him is an additional danger to that posed by the

alltoofamiliar rigging ways,' the party said on Wednesday."

* BETA news agency reported August 20 that "sources close to the ruling

coalition told BETA that Draskovic had met with the Yugoslav President,

Slobodan Milosevic, two days ago, with whom he discussed the holding of

elections, among other matters. The holding of extraordinary elections will

follow changes in the Serbian government, which will be announced later this

week."

* The New York Times reported August 22 that "last week, Mr. Milosevic's party

leaked a story that he had met Mr. Draskovic secretly to work out a deal on

early elections. While Mr. Draskovic vehemently denied any meeting, he does

favor early elections, and his aides blame the leak on Mr. Djindjic. Whatever

the truth, the leak was a brilliant stroke to widen opposition divisions and

make a bad relationship even worse." The New York Times noted August 23 that

"many disappointed despisers of Mr. Milosevic say the Draskovics have become

afraid of revolutionary disorder, corrupted and co-opted, more interested in

replacing the leader at the top than in destroying his system of crony

capitalism and special favors."

* In an August 22 interview with independent weekly NIN (Belgrade), Ognjen

Pribicevic, advisor to the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) said: " 'Elections.

That is no reserve option, that is the first option for the SPO, because it

feels very strongly and believes it could score a high result. We tasked the

interim government with organizing fair and democratic elections, immediately

after the sanctions are lifted.' In response to being asked if the SPO was in

danger of repeating the mistake it made in 1997 and failing to win a majority,

Pribicevic said: "Circumstances have changed, and the SPO is much stronger than

it was. The SPO will take part in elections that would enable a fair democratic

contest. The way the RTS [State-run Radio-Television Serbia] is established now

makes that impossible, which means we must discuss electoral conditions. But we

also believe the other opposition parties will not boycott elections, if fair

and democratic conditions are secured."

* The Washington Post reported August 20: "According to a recent poll by

Belgrade's Partner agency, opposition groups have been gaining in popularity,

but are still far from receiving majority support. If an election were held

today, the poll of 1,000 citizens in 32 municipalities said, Draskovic's

Serbian Renewal Movement would get 18.1 percent of the vote, and the rival

Alliance for Change would receive 14.8 percent. The three parties in

Milosevic's ruling coalition would get a total of 24 percent, the poll

indicated. Nearly 30 percent of those polled were either undecided or would

boycott the election."

* Belgrade daily Blic August 25 quoted Momcilo Perisic, the ex-General fired by

President Milosevic, on the prospect of early elections: "The leaders of the

Movement [Perisic's recently formed opposition party] must not set the struggle

for power as their chief goal, but struggle for the salvation of the people and

state. This does not mean that in securing conditions for democratic elections,

members of the Movement would not take part in elections. Whoever wins the

confidence of the electorate must be prepared to stay in power for as long as

the results are good and for as long as the people want him to stay, and not

for as long as he wants to usurp power. The way out of the crisis is in early

elections, but only under equal conditions for all that is European and

international electoral conditions."

Transition government proposal not agreed; Alliance sees strikes,

demonstrations

* BETA news agency reported August 26 that "it had been the intention of the

organizers of the [August 19] rally in Belgrade for the opposition parties to

sign a Political Contract accepting to form a transitional government in

Serbia. However, the contract [would] lack enough signatories to be of

significance. The Serbian Renewal Movement does not wish a transitional

government and has rejected all such ideas. The Alliance for changes does not

wish to reject the concept of a transitional government, but believes the idea

has yet to be well founded."

* Radio B2-92 reported August 23: "The Alliance for Change [SZP-Serbian

opposition coalition] has announced it will not sign the political agreement on

forming a transitional government, initiated by Mladjan Dinkic, the G-17 [group

of independent economists] coordinator and organizer of the protest rally on

19th August. Coordinator of the Alliance for Change Vladan Batic tells B2-92

the reasons behind this decision: 'The first reason is that we have not

received any invitation, and it is absolutely incorrect to go to the

Patriarchate [where the agreement was to be signed] without an invitation from

the Patriarch or the Synod. The second reason is that the political agreement

refers primarily to the parliamentary parties. The Alliance for Change is a

coalition of non-parliamentary parties and there is simply no reason for

signing that agreement. The third reason is that the political agreement should

represent an agreement between the parties on all aspects of the Stability Pact

for Serbia and this agreement has not yet been reached. The fourth reason is

that the strategy of the Alliance for Change has been long known. We do not

want to make any pacts or agreements with the current government. Any pact with

the current government would mean prolonging the agony of the people and of the

country. We demand categorically the resignations of Slobodan Milosevic, Milan

Milutinovic and other leaders of the federal and Serbian governments. It is

only then that the transitional government should be formed, and it should then

call free and fair elections. Therefore, anything that departs from our

demands, we cannot accept or sign."

Pensioners, independent trade union restive

* Reuters reported August 24 that "Serbia's independent trade unions threatened

on Tuesday to call for mass worker protests if the Serbian and Yugoslav

presidents did not resign in two weeks. Members of the independent workers'

movement, which like the political opposition is deeply divided, met on Tuesday

to try to overcome their differences and agree on how to help the campaign to

overthrow Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. 'Our declaration proposes a

deadline by which the regime should leave power. If it doesn't we'll meet again

and decide on the date and organisation of a general strike,' the president of

the Association of the Free and Independent Trade Unions, Dragan Milovanovic,

told Reuters. Milovanovic said the participants in the meeting had agreed to

set a deadline of September 10. They would then decide on the form of a

'general strike,' a term which has previously meant short protest actions

rather than an allout stoppage. Milovanovic, whose trade union is a member of

the opposition umbrella grouping Alliance for Change, which has set a slightly

different deadline, said the call was independent of other ultimatums set by

various opposition groups. 'We know the opposition called for general strike,

but though we are members of the Alliance for Change this action is a rather

independent one,' added Milovanovic. The representative of the strongest

nongovernment trade union 'Independence,' Nebojsa Savic, said it would be hard

to organize a general strike in Serbia because the government kept workers

under strict control."

* Reuters reported August 26 that "the Serbian government has decided to pay

off some of its burgeoning debt to pensioners in coupons, a move which

underlined its growing cash crisis and sparked protests by pensioners in

Belgrade. Around 1,000 pensioners staged a protest march in the capital on

Thursday, outraged by the government decision the previous evening. The decree

passed by the Serbian government late on Wednesday promised the country's 1.4

million pensioners coupons for electricity, coal and firewood as a settlement

for pensions that went unpaid in May, June and July this year. 'This will

significantly improve the financial position of the pensioners and protect the

most endangered class of citizens, which is one of the priority economic policy

aims for the second half of 1999 and a strategic direction in the further

implementation of reforms,' the government said in a statement."

Reuters reported August 27 that "Serbia could face economic collapse within a

few months, a leading local economist said on Friday. 'With its latest

policies, the government is abolishing money and introducing coupons. First

it was petrol, and now electricity. I wouldn't be surprised to see more goods

distributed in this way,' Miroljub Labus, chief macroeconomist with Belgrade's

Economics Institute, told a news conference. He was referring to the latest

Serbian government decision to settle part of its debt to pensioners by giving

them coupons for electricity, coal and firewood instead of cash. 'This has

become an isolated war economy, a barter economy. The result is a small and

closed system which is a huge leap back from a market economy,' he said. The

coupons would lead to a hidden printing of money without any backing in hard

currency, he said. 'The real problems will come after the winter when we expect

a severe liquidity crisis,' he said, adding that the state would by then have

more problems funding imports of medicine and fuel."

III. MONTENEGRO-SERBIA TENSIONS GROWING

Belgrade steps up pressure following Podgorica's proposal to "redefine"

relations

* Associated Press reported today that "about two thousand Montenegrin

supporters of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic rallied Saturday against

their tiny republic's leadership, accusing it of trying to break up

Montenegro's already shaky federation with Serbia. The protesters, gathered in

the northern Montenegrin town of Andrijevica, close to the state border with

Serbia, threatened that if the federation splits, they would secede their part

of Montenegro and attach it to Serbia, the independent Beta news agency

reported... Montenegro's deputy premier, Novak Kilibarda, said the protest was

staged by Milosevic' loyalists and was 'an attempt to destabilize Montenegro.'

"

* State-run Radio Montenegro (Podgorica) reported August 19 that: "Montenegro

harbors no illusions that the current Serbian authorities will respond

positively to the Montenegrin government's platform on future relations between

the two republics in the Yugoslav federation, the Montenegrin president's aide,

Miodrag Vukovic, has said. Such illusions were dispersed by the statement by

the Serbian, and now also Yugoslav, deputy prime minister, Tomislav Nikolic,

who described the Montenegrin proposal as nonsense. Nikolic, who advocates a

project of a unitary Yugoslavia, is defending a federal Yugoslavia from us -

sincere federalists who created such a Yugoslavia, Vukovic said. Vukovic added

that Tomislav Nikolic's statement was a warning to Montenegro that this was how

the entire ruling structure in Serbia was reasoning. He said that the

Montenegrin authorities could wait for another month or two for a reply from

the Serbian authorities on the proposal on future relations, and added that

things had to be clarified and resolved by the end of the year."

* The New York Times reported August 21 that "[Tomislav] Nikolic, the deputy

prime minister of Yugoslavia, has said that if Montenegro goes ahead with the

referendum 'the army will have to get involved.'....Andrija Perisic, an

executive member of Montenegro's ruling Democratic Party of Socialists, said he

and other Montenegrin officials are convinced that Belgrade is secretly

preparing 'the same scenario that was used in Kosovo.' The reported also noted:

"The political leadership in Montenegro says that in recent days the generals

and admirals who command some 10,000 Yugoslav soldiers and sailors here have

become antagonistic and uncooperative... 'The Yugoslav Navy abuses its

privileges in the port,' said Mico Orlandic, Bar's Deputy Mayor. 'During the

NATO air strikes the navy fired missiles at NATO planes and blocked entry to

the port. We were powerless to stop them.' 'The navy ships stop freighters

coming into the harbor to carry out inspections and look for arms,' he said.

'The army, when it leaves its barracks, sets up unauthorized roadblocks and

seizes goods. When we try to speak to the high command, they ignore us, as if

this is not our country. If the conflict worsens, we expect Belgrade to try to

seize the port.' "

* State news agency Tanjug (Belgrade) reported that in an August 20 statement,

the Yugoslav United Left Party (JUL), which is headed by Mira Markovic, wife of

Slobodan Milosevic, JUL called the plan "an unconstitutional and separatist

scheme [and urged Montenegrin citizens] to use democratic means to make sure

that the dictatorship is removed from the political scene." State-run news

agency Tanjug reported August 22 that: "Asked about developments in Montenegro,

Draskovic said that preparations were under way in that republic for 'an orgy

and a great evil of tribal and other conflicts.' Draskovic added that he could

not understand why the regime in Montenegro was falling for this strategy."

* BETA independent news agency (Belgrade) reported August 20: ''Serious

attention is being drawn to a whole spider's web that is being woven around

Montenegro by Slobodan Milosevic's regime and his internal forces in

Montenegro,' [Montenegrin Deputy Prime Minister Novak] Kilibarda said. He

assessed the information about federal police forces being formed in Bijelo

Polje as 'quite intimidating....Such intentions by these forces are no

surprise, and if the information about some paramilitary formations being

formed in Bijelo Polje under Dedinje's [Belgrade district where Milosevic

resides] control is true, the Montenegrin Government should react,' Kilibarda

said. He assessed that the Montenegrin platform on redefining relations between

Montenegro and Serbia had been forced and that it was considered as

Montenegro's self-defense.' "

* BETA news agency reported August 20: "The Federal [Yugoslav] Secretariat for

Foreign Affairs has not extended the diplomatic passport of Montenegrin

Economics Minister Vojin Djukanovic over a month after the request was

submitted, Podgorica 'Pobjeda' reports. [Montenegro's President Milo]

Djukanovic assessed that this was 'yet another incomprehensible move' with

which the federal government is trying to harm Montenegro and that they

probably feel bad that more than 300 officials from Belgrade cannot travel

anywhere. 'They are behaving according to the logic that 'the neighbour's cow

should die as well.' Really, one can no longer deal with people like that,'

Djukanovic said."

International community on Montenegro independence moves

* Reuters reported yesterday "the European Union told Montenegro on Friday it

did not believe it was in the interest of the small Yugoslav republic or the

region for it to become independent from Serbia. Finland's Hann Mantyvaar, head

of a threemember EU delegation to Montenegro to discuss the possibility of

lifting some sanctions imposed on Yugoslavia for its Kosovo policy, urged

Belgrade to open a dialogue with its junior partner on future constitutional

arrangements. While saying the will of the people should be respected, the

Finnish diplomat, representing the EU presidency, said: 'But we still want to

believe that it would not be in the interest of the region and not even of

Montenegro herself to move to full independence.' In a statement he said the EU

understood the current situation in Serbia, which has become increasingly

isolated from the rest of Europe during the 10year rule of Yugoslav President

Slobodan Milosevic, but urged Montenegro to be patient."

* Der Standard (Vienna) reported on August 20: "Austria supports Montenegrin

President Milo Djukanovic's policy of reform 'because it could be a model for

the entire Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to embark on the path towards

democracy and the market economy.' Gerhard Jandl, a high-ranking Foreign

Ministry official who is responsible for Yugoslavia, adds that Djukanovic's

efforts to integrate all ethnic groups into the government are another positive

argument. Montenegro's independence efforts are supported neither by Austria

nor by the EU. 'We think that, for stability reasons, it is better for

Montenegro to stay in the Yugoslav federation provided that Yugoslavia becomes

democratic and protects the rights of its minorities. Should President Slobodan

Milosevic remain in power, then the question of Montenegrin independence will

have to be discussed,' Jandl said. Everything will then depend on the

circumstances."

* Independent news agency Montena-Fax(Podgorica) reported August 26 that "the

USA is not directly opposed to the establishment of the full international

subjectivity of Montenegro, considering this to be an internal matter of

Montenegro and its citizens, today's [Podgorica daily] 'Vijesti' reported,

adding that Montenegrin officials had learned this from members of a US State

Department delegation who, together with an OSCE delegation, were meeting

Montenegrin party leaders and prominent public figures. According to the

independent Podgorica daily, the talks are mostly focused on the Montenegrin

government's platform on new relations with Serbia. Sources close to the top

Montenegrin state leadership have quoted their guests as saying that they

'respect Montenegro's right to self-determination, but are asking us to show an

understanding for the problems in the neighborhood.' In this respect, the State

Department officials backed the Badinter Commission's report of 1991, which

noted that the SFRY [Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia] had

disintegrated and that all its former members were equal successors to the

SFRY." When asked about the report yesterday, US State Department spokesman

James Foley said: "That's not true... [There is] no change in our policy."

Montenegro preparing currency pegged to German mark

* TV Crna Gora (Montenegro's state television) reported August 19: "Professor

Steve Hancke of Johns Hopkins University, presidential adviser, has told

Podgorica newspaper 'Monitor' that the monetary system [envisioned in

Podgorica's recent proposal to redefine relations between Montenegro and

Serbia] in Montenegro will be based on dual currency. The German mark will

become a legal method of payment along with the currency set by the monetary

council. Citizens will be able to use other foreign currencies, including the

Yugoslav dinar. Both the Montenegrin mark - the monetary council's currency -

and the German mark will become legal methods of payment. The currencies will

be in circulation equally and their exchange rate will be fixed, Dr Hancke

said. Since the Montenegrin mark would be based 100 per cent on the German mark

foreign currency reserves, the currency of the monetary council will be equal

to the German mark...The majority of other currencies, including the Yugoslav

dinar, will be based on the floating exchange rate in relation to the

Montenegrin mark, that is the currency of the monetary council... Dr Hancke

said that the currency of the monetary council will be printed outside

Montenegro and that it will be based in Switzerland. The monetary council will

include five directors, three nominated by the Bank for International

Settlements from Basel and two appointed by Montenegro - one from a G-7 country

and the other from Montenegro."

 
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