PROF. SAMDHONG RINPOCHE PROPOSES A PROGRAMME FOR LAUNCHING TIBETAN SATYAGRAHA

Published by World Tibet Network News - Sunday, December 01, 1996

[The author is Director of Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies at Saranath, Varanasi and Speaker, Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, Dharamsala, India.]

The Pioneer, November 28, 1996

For the people of Tibet democracy is not a new principle or system. Our apparent opening up to democratic functioning was prompted by neither the Chinese occupation of Tibet nor our interface with the outside world. His Holiness the fourteenth Dalai Lama, since his childhood and long before taking over the temporal power had the unmistakable will to democratise Tibet.

Unfortunately, he was given the reins of the country when half of its territory was already occupied by China. In spite of this, for nine long years he tried his utmost to introduce democratic reforms but every time the Chinese Communist dictators systematically frustrated these moves. It is only in exile that he has the freedom and a free hand to implement his vision.

There was but an uniqueness about this transformation so characteristic of the leader and his people. In our case the Head of the State himself advocated democratisation and consequent relinquishing of his authority but the people refused to accept it. During the last 37 years in exile, His Holiness gradually persuaded and educated his people to adopt a democratic way of life and translate the ideal into practice so that what is achieved could be a genuine democracy.

The model of Tibetan democracy is fundamentally different from the western democratic principles. Our is based on principles of equality of all sentient beings on the basis of their potential of unlimited development. Such equality can be established in the day to day living through cooperation and not through competition.

Competition invariably leads to some form of confrontation. Love and equality cannot be achieved through competition. Whether in political or economic system, it prevents genuine cooperation and brotherhood. Realising this phenomenon of human behaviours, Lord Buddha had long back recommended a democracy free from competition.

Therefore, a kind of partyless democracy could be an alternative where each individual may have the freedom to deal with every issue according to his or her wisdom, without imposition of any conditions from groups or ideologies. Decentralisation of decision making and implementation process would make each individual responsible and sovereign to act. The individual should think globally and act locally. In our view, when a few persons live on the cost of others it is totalitarianism. On the other hand the principle of live and let live is ordinary democracy. Where everyone would live for others in that model of democracy which we are trying to adopt.

Future of Tibet is to be shaped and built up through genuine and sustained efforts of all the Tibetans. No ready made or final blueprints, nevertheless I put forth three points for a serious consideration:

1. Interdependence has increased to such an extent in today's world that future of any country could not be considered in an isolated manner. The future of Tibet is bound to affect the future of the world in general and its immediate neighbours. China and India, in particular, Tibet's geopolitical situation is such that is inseparable from the course of history of both India and China. For various reasons these two biggest populated countries of the world will, perhaps always position themselves as competitors or adversaries. Therefore the status of Tibet as a buffer state between India and China will be the only determining factor for peace, stability and security in Asia. Geographically, Tibet being the "Roof of the world" from where most of the large rivers of Asia originate, will be decisive factor for the environmental and ecological balance in the world. Scientists believe that the Tibetan plateau will always have a role in determining global climatic changes.

2. With regard to the future of Tibet, in my view, the immediate task is to save it from total annihilation. Tibet has indeed become the testing ground for the efficacy of the UN Declaration on Human Rights. It has to be realised that the future of Tibet is inseparably linked with the future of the world as a whole. The future of Tibet should be viewed from this integrated perspective.

The political status of Tibet in terms of sovereignty or autonomy, separation or association, have been debated for decades but the actual situation in Tibet has deteriorated all along. Our basic concern, therefore, should be how to save this country and its unique culture from total destruction. It will be possible only if the ongoing population transfer is stopped forthwith and Chinese civil occupation is vacated. Violation of Tibetan culture, language, religion and environment must be ended.

The question of future Tibet cannot be settled without taking into account the issues mentioned above. Therefore, we should concentrate on how to achieve those objectives. It is high time for the Tibetans to evolve a clearcut programme. I propose a programme for launching a Satyagraha movement. The concept and plan of implementation is explained elsewhere. Knowledgeable people are aware that His Holiness has already initiated a referendum amongst the Tibetan diaspora, to decide the future course of action and we all are awaiting its result. It seem, now that only two options are open before us:

1. Appeal for negotiations with an unwilling party;

2. Start a peaceful non-violent resistance.

Negotiations have been tried for over 14 years but it led us nowhere. There is no sign of Chinese willingness to open a dialogue despite His Holiness's middle path approach which accepts the framework set by Deng Xiaoping for the negotiations. Now let us accept the ground realities and formulate strategies accordingly. We have no future if we are not prepared to make sacrifice for restoring the dignity and security of our people in Tibet. Posterity will never forgive us. Therefore, every plan of action has to be well-conceived, well considered and set within a time frame. Time is running out and it never looks back. We have to run faster to keep pace with time, otherwise, our goal will prove to be a mirage. China has failed to perform the function of a civilised state, viz

1. Protection of the people

2. Promotion of the social, economic and cultural welfare and

3. Representation of their interests.

Therefore, China completely lacks legal moral as well as political legitimacy to govern Tibet. Perhaps no proof is warranted to understand its policy of forcible occupation; gradual destruction of Tibetan people identity and the policy of mindless exploitation of Tibet's natural resources, endangering its environment and ecological balance.

The situation therefore call for supreme sacrifices, Mahatma Gandhi the great proponent of Satyagraha once commanded his people "Do or Die". Our situation commands us to alter it little; Do or Die, with this resolve to us to make one final attempt. It demands voluntary cooperation, full co-ordination, tightening of loose ends at all levels and of course, the will power of Satyagrahi. Each one of us has to be clear about our objectives and also about the means to achieve our goal.

Our efforts have to be persistently persuasive. We need not deter from our principled commitments but let commitment to peace and non-violence be also taken as our weakness. No force is stronger than moral and spiritual force. We have the examples of Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela to name only a few.

We are fortunate to have His Holiness the Dalai as our leader. His sense of direction has been clear and his commitment to democracy and non-violence has been consistent. Inspite of prolonged frustration, He has infused the exiles with his own confidence that some day they will return to Tibet. Let us not fail our leader and our commitment of truth and nonviolence. When Gandhiji gave the call to "Do or Die" there was no other choice. As I propose my people to "Do or Die" there is no other choice either.

The return journey back to homeland must commence here and now. Only then we can say "Next year in Lhasa".