ABSTRACT: At the end of 1988, in Strasburg, the Dalai Lama delivered this speech at the European Parliament, which we hereby report unabridged.

(Notizie Radicali n.66 of 25 March 1989)

In our epoch we live in a completely inter-dependent world. A nation cannot solve its problems on its own. Without a sense of general responsibility our very survival is jeopardized. It is for this reason that I have always firmly believed in the need for a better understanding, for a closer cooperation between the different nations of the world. The European Parliament is an inspiring example. After the chaos of the war, those who had been enemies learnt, in the course of just one generation, to coexist and cooperate. I am therefore specially glad to address myself to you who are here united in the European Parliament.

As you all know, my country, Tibet, is experiencing an extremely difficult moment. The Tibetans, especially those living under the Chinese occupation, yearn for freedom, justice and self-determination for the future, in order to be in the conditions of preserving their peculiar identity and of living peacefully with their neighbours.

For over one thousand years we Tibetans have referred to spiritual and environmental values in order to preserve the delicate environmental balance of the world in which we live. Inspired by the Buddhist message of non-violence and compassion, and protected by our mountains, we have decided to respect each form of life and never to resort to war as an instrument of national policy.

Our history, which is over two thousand years old, has always been a history of independence. From the moment we founded our nation, in 127 B.C., we Tibetans have never surrendered our independence to a foreign power. As any other country, Tibet has witnessed moments in which its neighbours - Mongolians, Manchu, Chinese, Britains, and the Ghorkas of Nepal - have attempted to exert their influence. But these were short periods that the Tibetan people never accepted, because they represented a loss of national sovereignty. On the other hand, there have been occasions in which the Tibetans conquered vast areas of China and of other neighbouring countries. This however does not mean that we Tibetans have the right to claim those territories.

In 1949 the People's Republic of China invaded Tibet using force. From that moment, Tibet experienced the most sombre period of its history. Over one million people died as a consequence of the occupation. Thousands of monasteries have been destroyed. A generation has grown deprived of education, economic possibilities, and the sense of national identity. Even if the present Chinese leadership has adopted a series of reforms, it has however operated a massive transfer of Chinese population to the plateau of Tibet. This policy has reduced the six million Tibetans to a minority. Speaking on behalf of all my compatriots I must unfortunately inform you that our tragedy continues.

I have always invited my people not to resort to violence in its effort to put an end to this sufferance. I think every people has the moral right to peacefully protest against injustice. Unfortunately, demonstrations in Tibet have been violently repressed by the Chinese police and army. I will continue to advocate non-violence, but unless China does not stop resorting to the brutal methods it has used up to now, the Tibetans can no longer be considered responsible for the further deterioration of the situation.

Each Tibetan hopes and prays for a complete restoration of our national independence. Thousands of compatriots have sacrificed their lives, and the whole nation has suffered in this struggle. Even in recent months the Tibetans have courageously fought to achieve this precious goal. On the other hand, the Chinese refuse to acknowledge the aspirations of the Tibetan people and continue to adopt a policy of brutal repression. I have long meditated on the means to to reach a realistic solution of the tragedy of my country. My government and I myself have asked the opinions of many friends and interested people. As a result, on the 21st of September 1987 I presented the Commission for the Human Rights of the U.S. Senate in Washington with a "Plan of Peace in 5 Points" for Tibet. In the plan I asked for the transformation of Tibet into an area of peace, a sanctuary in which men and nature could coexist in harmony. I also asked the respect of human rights and of the democratic ideals, the safeguard of the environme

nt and the cessation of the transfer of Chinese population in Tibet. In the fifth point of the Plan of Peace I asked for immediate negotiations between Tibetans and Chinese. We therefore took the initiative of formulating some proposals, which, we hope, will serve as a basis to solve the problem of Tibet. I would like to take the occasion to illustrate to this honourable assembly the main points of my ideas on the subject.

The whole territory of Tibet known as Cholks-Sum (U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo) should become a self-governing democratic political entity, founded on law by agreement of the people for the common well-being and the protection of itself and its environment, in association with the People's Republic of China.

The government of the People's Republic of China could remain responsible for Tibet's foreign policy. The government of Tibet could however establish and maintain international relations for that which concerns religion, trade, education, culture, tourism, science, sport and other non-political activities, through an Office for foreign affairs. Tibet would associate with international organizations which deal with such activities.

The government of Tibet would have to be founded on a Constitution or a fundamental law. This fundamental law should ensure a democratic kind of government, engaged in the attempt to guarantee economic equality, social justice and the protection of the environment. This means that the Government of Tibet will have the right to decide on all issues concerning Tibet and the Tibetan population.

Because individual freedom is the ideal source and the potentiality of the development of every society, the Government of Tibet would commit itself to ensure such liberties by means of a complete adhesion to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including the freedom of speech, association and religion. Considering that religion is the origin of the Tibetan national identity, and that its spiritual values represent the essence of Tibet's rich culture, it would be the special task of the Tibetan government to preserve and develop its practice.

The Government could be made of a Head of the Executive, elected by the people, a bicameral legislative system and an independent judiciary system. The government would be based in Lhasa. The social and economic system of Tibet would reflect the wishes of the Tibetan people and would be especially concerned about the need to increase the standard of living of the whole population.

The government of Tibet would promulgate strict laws to safeguard the flora and fauna of Tibet. The exploitation of the natural resources would be carefully regulated. The construction, experimentation and stocking of nuclear weapons and of other armaments would be banned, as would be the use of nuclear energy and of other technologies that cause terrible devastations. The aim of the Government of Tibet should be the transformation of the country into the most extensive natural reserve of the planet.

A regional conference of peace should be summoned to ensure that Tibet becomes a real sanctuary of peace by means of a total demilitarization. Until such conference is summoned and the demilitarization and neutralization achieved, China could have the right to maintain a limited number of military installations in Tibet. The latter however should have a purely defensive purpose.

In order to create that atmosphere of trust which only can lead to concrete results, the Chinese government should stop violating human rights and drop the policy of transferring Chinese population in Tibet.

These are the aims we have in mind. I am aware of the fact that certain Tibetans will consider them too moderate. In the months to come there will surely be discussions in the context of our community, both in Tibet and in exile. However, this represents an essential and important part of any process of change. I believe that these intentions represent the most realistic way by which to restore the particular ethnic and cultural identity of Tibet and the fundamental rights of its people, while at the same time considering the interests of China. I would like to underline that, whatever the results of the negotiations with China, the last and ultimate decision on the matter will be taken by the Tibetan people. Thus, each proposal will necessarily include a procedural plan capable of ascertaining the will of the Tibetan people by means of a national referendum.

I would like to take this occasion to assert that I do not wish to take any active part in the Government of Tibet. However, I will continue to work at my best for the well-being and the happiness of the Tibetan people until it is necessary. We are ready to present the Chinese government with a proposal based on the considerations I have just illustrated. For this purpose a delegation of negotiators has already been chosen to represent the Tibetan Government. We are ready to meet the Chinese and discuss the details of each proposal in order to reach a satisfactory and fair agreement. We are encouraged by the strong interest which a growing number of Governments and political personalities, including former President of the Unites States Jimmy Carter, have shown for our condition. We are also encouraged by the recent changes occurred in China, expressed by a new, more pragmatic and liberal leadership.

We ask the Chinese government and its leadership to take into serious and due consideration the proposals I have expressed. Only dialogue and the will to look with honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead to a feasible solution. We wish to start the negotiations with the Chinese government, in consideration of the interests of the whole of mankind. Our proposals will therefore be made in a spirit of reconciliation, and we hope that the Chinese will reply adequately. The peculiar history of my country and its deep spiritual heritage make it ideally apt to play the role of the sanctuary of peace in the heart of Asia. Its historical function of buffer-state capable of ensuring stability to the whole of the continent can be restored. In the future Tibet will no longer need to be an occupied territory, oppressed with force, unproductive and tormented by sufferance. It can instead become a free country in which men can live in harmony and peace with nature, a creative example to ease the tensions affec

ting many areas of the world. The Chinese leaders must realize that a colonial type of domination in the occupied territories is anachronistic. A sincere union or association can come only from a common will in the presence of mutual benefits that can satisfy all the interested parts. On this matter the European Community is a very clear example. On the other hand, a single country or community can divide itself into two or more entities when there is a lack of trust, and the advantages are not equally shared when force is used as the main means of governing. I would like to finish this speech addressing an appeal to the honourable members of the European Parliament and, through them, to the relative electors, asking them to support us in our efforts. A solution of the Tibetan problem in the context we are suggesting will be not only in the interest of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, but will also contribute to the peace and the stability of Asia and of the world.

I thank you for having offered me the opportunity to express my thought.