Published by: World Tibet Network News, Thursday, June 20, 1996

Submitted by Bhuchung K. Tsering, ICT

In a Hearing by the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights of the House International Relations Committee on June 18, 1996, ICT President Lodi G. Gyari dwelt at length on the consequences in Tibet of President Clinton's decision in 1994 to de-link human rights considerations from MFN to China.

In his opening statement, Chairman of the Subcommittee, Rep. Christopher H. Smith, said " I believe the Clinton Administration's celebrated de-linking of Most Favored Nation status from human rights in 1994 was not only a terrible mistake -- it was a betrayal.... I led a human rights mission to China in January of 1994 -- midway through the period of time covered by the executive order. I met with a broad spectrum of human rights and religious activists as well as high government officials. To my shock, virtually every Chinese official told me that M=CF=97 would be delinked from human rights -- that the Clinton executive order wasn't worth the paper it was printed on."

Refering to the situation in Tibet, Chairman Smith said, "Our State Department's own country Reports on Human Rights Conditions for 1995 make it clear that China's human rights performance has continued to deteriorate since the de-linking of MFN from human rights in 1994. In each area of concern -- the detention of political prisoners, the extensive use of forced labor, the continued repression in Tibet and suppression of the Tibetan culture, and coercive population practices -- there has been regression rather than improvement. And every year we find out about new outrages..."

Statement of Lodi G. Gyari

Special Envoy of H.H.the Dalai Lama, and

President, International Campaign for Tibet

Washington, D.C.

before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights House International Relations Committee

Hearing on China MFN: Human Rights Consequences

Tuesday, June 18th, 1996

Thank you for providing me this opportunity to testify before you on the human rights situation in Tibet and on Most Favored Nation (MFN) trade status for China.

My name is Lodi Gyari, and I was born in Nyarong in the Tibetan province of Kham. I am President of the International Campaign for Tibet, a Washington-based, non-governmental organization dedicated to the promotion of human rights and democratic freedoms for the Tibetan people. I am also Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and have served in both the Tibetan Parliament and Cabinet in Exile in Dharamsala, India.

I would like to once again express my deep appreciation to the U.S. Congress for its tremendous leadership on the issue of Tibet. The numerous resolutions passed by you and your colleagues condemning human rights violations in Tibet and providing financial and other assistance to Tibetan refugees have given significant encouragement to the Tibetan people. It is fair to say that the Tibetan people owe a great debt of gratitude to the U.S. Congress for supporting their ongoing struggle for basic rights and for recognizing that the plight of six million Tibetans is an important American interest.

Mr. Chairman, you have asked me here to speak on the consequences of President Clinton's decision in 1994 to de-link human rights considerations from renewal of China's MFN status. Let me first say that we strongly believe the President threw away a powerful tool in the United States' arsenal to press for significant improvements in human rights in China and Tibet when he abandoned his policy in 1994. We were greatly disappointed by the President's decision because we felt his policy of linking human rights and trade could have produced results, had he stuck with it. If any one country has the ability to influence China's policies towards Tibet, it is the United States and the best way to influence China is through trade.

Just a year before, we were elated when President Clinton issued his Executive Order, conditioning future renewal of China's MFN status on improvement in human rights, including the protection of Tibet's distinct religious and cultural heritage. I had the privilege of being invited to the White House to witness the President's announcement of his Executive Order. That historic event sent a strong message of encouragement and hope to supporters of human rights, democracy and freedom within China and in Tibet as well as throughout the world. In particular, it gave a tremendous moral boost to the people of Tibet who believed that the United States was serious in its commitment to human rights improvements in Tibet. His Holiness the Dalai Lama warmly welcomed President Clinton's clear signal to the Chinese leadership that Tibet was a high priority for the United States.

Most important of all, the Chinese Government, for the first time, realized that it would have to make substantial improvements in its human rights practices if it wanted to retain its normal trading status with the U.S. Shortly after the Executive Order was announced, we were informed that a high-level Chinese delegation made a low profile visit to Washington, headed by a former Chinese Ambassador to the U.S. The delegation reportedly sought suggestions on how they could meet the minimum requirements of the condition on protecting Tibet's culture and religion in order to not jeopardize their MFN status.

This episode demonstrates that the Chinese would have made the necessary improvements in Tibet had the Administration not sabotaged its own policy by sending signals of diminished resolve. However, it became clear well in advance of the deadline for compliance that the President would reverse his own Executive Order and continue to provide MFN to China. Perhaps the situation in Tibet would not be as bleak as it is today if the President had stuck to his policy. Since that lost opportunity, the Chinese Government has taken no steps to halt the repression in Tibet. Indeed, over the past two years, facing no resistance and little condemnation, the Chinese have felt more emboldened than ever to repress the Tibetan people, their religion and their culture.

Third Work Forum on Tibet

The most conspicuous change in Chinese policy towards Tibet was laid out in July 1994, shortly after President Clinton's decision to grant unconditional renewal of MFN for China. From July 20 to 23, 1994, the Third Work Forum on Tibet was held in Beijing, attended by 190 top Communist Party and Government officials, and representatives from provinces, autonomous regions, prefectures, cities and municipalities. As a result of the Work Forum, new restrictive policies were put into place in Tibet.

One clear indication of these new restrictions has been the effort to curtail religious activity in Tibet. This policy change is explained in detail in the new report by the International Campaign for Tibet, A Season to Purge. According to our report, Chinese authorities have limited the number of youths joining monasteries and nunneries, prohibited Communist Party members from practicing religion and strengthened Government control over monasteries through "Democratic Management Committees." Beijing has also vowed to close monasteries they judge to be problematic and to imprison "separatist" monks and nuns.

The issue of utmost concern to us has been the change in China's attitude towards His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In the past, Chinese propaganda denied that the Dalai Lama had any say in the political affairs of the Tibetan people, but refrained from questioning his spiritual authority. These days, China has not only hardened its rhetoric about the Dalai Lama but has actively sought to undermine and discredit his religious authority in Tibet, much like the situation during the Cultural Revolution.

Chinese President Jiang Zemin made plain the intentions of the Chinese Government when he told the Third Work Forum on Tibet: "The difference between us and the Dalai clique are not a question of believing in a religion or not believing in a religion nor a question of self-government or not self-government, but a question of safe guarding the unification of the motherland and opposing splittism." Overnight, expressions of religious worship became a political crime and any show of respect and obeisance to the Dalai Lama resulted in punishment. Instructions to attack the Dalai Lama in person were printed in "Golden Bridge to a New Era", the official handbook of the Third Work Forum on Tibet, published in October 1994.

In July 1994, the very month in which MFN was extended for China, officials in Tibet were banned from possessing photos of the Dalai Lama in their offices. In September 1994, all pictures of the Dalai Lama on sale in the streets of Lhasa, Tibet's capital, were confiscated. The ban was widened in January 1996 when orders were issued for the withdrawal of photos of the Dalai Lama from his two traditional residences: Norbu Lingka and the Potala. Subsequently, orders were issued in Lhasa by the Public Security Bureau to confiscate all "reactionary literature" with the Dalai Lama's photos included in this category.

In April 1996, China publicly announced the ban on the display of the Dalai Lama's photos and since that time authorities have begun sweeps of monasteries, schools, businesses and even private homes to rid these places of all images of the Tibetan leader. On May 6th, when Chinese officials arrived at Ganden Monastery, located near Lhasa, monks there protested the edict and fighting broke out. Reports indicate that 3 monks were shot and wounded by police and that at least one official was also beaten. A second incident reportedly occurred on May 14th, when two truckloads of seriously injured people, including monks and nuns, were taken to hospitals in Lhasa as a result of being beaten, presumably while protesting the new restrictions.

We are very concerned about this recent crackdown, which is a vivid reminder of events which took place during the Cultural Revolution.

Interference in Tibetan Religious Tradition

China's abduction of the Panchen Lama, the second most senior religious figure in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, and the appointment of a pretender Panchen Lama is another indication of the intensification of repression in Tibet and a bold move against religious freedom. Historically, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama have enjoyed a special spiritual relationship. In 1959, when the Dalai Lama fled into exile in India, the Panchen Lama remained in Tibet, determined to attempt accommodation with China's occupation government. Because of his advocacy on behalf of Tibetans, the Panchen Lama was jailed by Chinese authorities.

After the Panchen Lama's death in 1989, the Dalai Lama, as per ancient tradition, undertook steps to search for his reincarnation. China rejected all attempts by the Dalai Lama to seek its cooperation in this sacred endeavor. In May 1995, after a prolonged search, the Dalai Lama recognized a six-year-old boy, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, as the 11th Panchen Lama. China immediately denounced his decision and placed the young boy and his parents in detention. Authorities also detained Chadrel Rinpoche, abbot of the Panchen Lama's monastery and 50 other monks, charging them with colluding with the Dalai Lama. Then, in total disregard of Tibetan religious tradition, the Chinese Government announced its own selection of the "real" Panchen Lama and has since been trying to impose its selection on the Tibetan people.

The safety and well-being of the young Panchen Lama, whose case has been heavily promoted by human rights organizations, is of serious concern to the Tibetan people. Until last month, China declined to mention anything about the young Panchen Lama, let alone give assurances of his well-being. However, after pressure from Congress and from the international community, China admitted that it was in the custody of the young boy, claiming that "his parents requested the government to ensure the protection of this boy".

China's intervention in the matter of the Panchen Lama is a serious and blatant violation of the Tibetan people's freedom of religion. The Chinese Government's actions have alienated the Tibetan people and have the potential to cause long-term strife between the Tibetan people and Chinese authorities.

Political Prisoners

Another indication of the deteriorating human rights conditions in Tibet has been the increase in the number of political prisoners. Today, there are close to 700 documented Tibetan political prisoners in different parts of Tibet. This does not include several hundred more prisoners whose names we have been unable to ascertain. Last year, Amnesty International reported that there were 628 political prisoners in Tibet which represents a significant increase from the 400 cases they documented in 1993. A majority of the political prisoners are monks and nuns whose sole "crime" has been expression of their religious and political beliefs.

We have been very concerned about the detention of a young Tibetan musician, Ngawang Choephel, in August 1995. Ngawang, who was brought up in exile in India and who studied at Middlebury College in Vermont, was detained in central Tibet while documenting Tibetans performing arts tradition. To this day, Chinese authorities have not publicly acknowledged their detention of Ngawang, let alone provide information about his whereabouts or well-being. His aged mother has not heard from him and is believed to be on the verge of a mental breakdown. We are deeply concerned about Ngawang's fate and safety.

Denial of Educational Opportunity

Following a policy of liberalization in the 1980s, China permitted Tibetan parents to send their children to schools run by Tibetans in exile in India where they are assured of a wholesome Tibetan education. Tibetan schools in exile provide students with a curriculum of modern education combined with traditional Tibetan subjects, a curriculum which is not provided in Chinese-operated schools in Tibet. However, in 1994, this policy changed when Chinese officials started scrutinizing members of the Communist Party in Tibet who have sent their children to study in schools run by the Tibetans in exile.

In September 1994, Chinese authorities issued an edict ordering all Communist Party members to recall their children from Tibetan schools in exile or face the consequences. Subsequently, many children returned to Tibet from schools in India, deprived of their chance for a proper Tibetan education.

Population Transfer

The greatest concern of the Tibetan people continues to be the tremendous influx of Chinese settlers into Tibet, which has been ongoing in the past few years. Many of the settlers come to Tibet as a result of economic and other incentives provided to them by the Chinese Government. In addition, the prospect of economic opportunity is luring Chinese entrepreneurs to Tibet's towns and cities. As a result of this influx, the number and influence of Chinese in Tibet is marginalizing the Tibetan people politically, economically and culturally.

The State Department's 1995 Country Report on Human Rights Practices acknowledged that there has been a massive influx of Chinese into Tibet. "In recent years, freer movement of people throughout China, government-sponsored development, and the prospect of economic opportunity in Tibet have led to a substantial increase in the non-Tibetan population (including China's Muslim Hui minority as well as Han Chinese) in Lhasa and other urban areas", the report said.

Negotiations

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has stated that the only way to bring about a peaceful resolution to the situation in Tibet is through a mutually-acceptable negotiated settlement between the Chinese and Tibetan people. To this end, he has issued several forward-looking proposals, including the Five Point Peace Plan and the Strasbourg Proposal, in which he has agree to not raise the issue of independence during negotiations. However, the Chinese Government has refused to respond positively to his proposals and continues to disregard the Tibetan people's fundamental rights.

At this time, I would like to submit for the record the testimony of His Holiness who recentlyappeared before the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Danish Parliament to express his views about the current situation in Tibet and the process of change which is occurring in China.

Conclusion

Mr. Chairman, the human rights situation in Tibet today is clearly bleak and is getting worse. Based on our own information and documentation by Human Rights Watch/Asia and other human rights organizations, the level of repression in Tibet has increased significantly since President Clinton's decision to de-link human rights and trade in 1994.

After the President's decision, we were given assurances that the Administration remained committed to helping the Tibetan people and to supporting negotiations between the Dalai Lama and Chinese leaders. However, since that time, the Administration has yet to develop and maintain a policy that will pressure the Chinese to respect the rights of Tibetans. In fact, when President Clinton announced his intention to grant unconditional renewal of MFN for China on May 20th of this year, he failed to even mention Tibet or concern over the recent crackdown there in his speech. He also gave no indication of how his policy of "comprehensive engagement" with China, which includes granting unconditional renewal of MFN, is helping to provide relief to the Tibetan people. This is deeply disappointing to the Tibetan people and to the many supporters of the Tibetan cause in this country. In substance, the Clinton policy of "comprehensive engagement" differs very little from President Bush's policy of "constructive engageme

nt".

The United States policy of constructive and comprehensive engagement has not brought any relief to the Tibetan people. In order to help bring an end to the egregious human rights violations perpetrated by the Chinese Government against the Tibetan people, we recommend the following course of action:

* raise strong concern about the recent crackdown in Tibet at the highest levels in the Chinese Government. We have kept the Administration fully informed about the deteriorating situation in Tibet and I can say from my personal experience that there are many people in the Administration who are deeply concerned about Tibet. Despite this, the Administration has yet to issue a public statement of concern about the recent escalation of repression in Tibet. We are very concerned that the Administration is dragging its heels while the suffering in Tibet intensifies;

* use economic leverage, whether it be China's MFN status or China's entry into the World Trade Organization, to pressure China to improve its human rights record in China and Tibet;

* support multilateral efforts calling on the Chinese Government to stop human rights violations in Tibet and to enter into negotiations with the Dalai Lama about the status of Tibet, through such fora as the United Nations or G7 Summit meetings;

* establish a Special Envoy on Tibet within the Administration to help streamline U.S. policy towards Tibet, and in particular to help push for a negotiated settlement between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese Government;

* raise concern about the status of negotiations and the human rights situation in Tibet at every opportunity with the Chinese leadership.

Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to testify before you today.