ADDRESS BY HIS HOLINESS THE DALAl LAMA,

NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, CANBERRA, 18 SEPTEMBER 1996

It gives me great pleasure to address you today on the current situation in Tibet and on my vision for my country. I thank the organizers for arranging this opportunity.

Today, the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people is at a crucial stage. In recent times the Chinese Government has hardened its policies, increased repression in Tibet and resorted to bullying tactics in addressing the problems of Tibet. Observance of human rights in Tibet has, sadly, not improved. On the contrary, repression and political persecution have lately reached a new peak in Tibet.

In Tibet our people are being marginalised and discriminated against in the face of creeping Sinicization. The destruction of cultural artefacts and traditions coupled with the mass influx of Chinese into Tibet amounts to cultural genocide. The very survival of the Tibetans as a distinct people is under constant threat.

Human rights' violations, environmental degradation and social unrest in Tibet are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. Fundamentally the issue of Tibet is political. It is an issue of colonial rule: the oppression of Tibet by the People's Republic of China and resistance to that rule by the people of Tibet. This issue can be resolved only through negotiations and not, as China would have it, through force, intimidation and population transfer.

It is my belief that the next few years will be crucial. Negotiations are the only way to promote a peaceful and comprehensive resolution of the Tibetan question. The present situation also offers an historic opportunity for the members of the international community to reassess their policy towards China, in order both to influence and to respond to the changes that are taking place in that country. Whether the coming change in China brings new life and new hope for Tibet and whether China herself emerges as a reliable, peaceful and constructive member of the international community depends to a large degree on the extent to which the international community itself adopts responsible policies towards China. I have always drawn attention to the need to bring Beijing into the mainstream of world democracy and have spoken against any idea of isolating and containing China. To attempt to do so would be morally incorrect and politically impractical. Instead, I have always counselled a policy of responsible and p

rincipled engagement with the Chinese leadership.

It is my strong conviction that a change for the better is coming. China is at a critical junction: its society is undergoing profound changes and the country's leadership is facing the transition to a new generation. It is obvious too that the Tiananmen massacre has failed to silence the call for freedom, democracy and human rights in China. Moreover, Taiwan's historic first direct presidential elections this year are certain to have an immense political and psychological impact on the aspirations of the Chinese people. A transformation from the current totalitarian regime in Beijing into one which is more open, responsive and liberal is thus inevitable.

Ultimately, it is for the Tibetan and the Chinese peoples themselves to find a just and peaceful resolution to the Tibetan problem. Therefore in our struggle for freedom and justice, I have always tried to pursue a path of non-violence in order to ensure that a relationship based on mutual respect, friendship and genuine good neighbourliness can be sustained between our two peoples in the future. For centuries the Tibetan and the Chinese peoples have lived side by side. In the future, too, we will have no alternative but to live as neighbours. I have, therefore, always attached great importance to our relationship. In this spirit I have sought to reach out to our Chinese brothers and sisters in the West as well as in Asia.

Despite the absence of positive and conciliatory gestures from the Chinese Government to my initiatives for negotiations, I have always encouraged Tibetans to develop personal relationships with Chinese. I make it a point to ask the Tibetans to distinguish between the Chinese people and the policies of the totalitarian government in Beijing. I am thus happy to observe that there has been significant progress in our efforts to foster closer interaction amongst the people of our two communities, mainly between exiled Tibetans and Chinese living abroad. Moreover, human rights activists and democrats within China, people like the brave Wei Jingsheng, are urging their leaders to respect the basic human rights of the Tibetan people and pledging their support for our right to self-rule. Chinese scholars outside China are discussing a constitution for a federated China which envisages a confederal status for Tibet. These are most encouraging and inspiring developments. I am, therefore, very pleased that the p

eople-to-people dialogue between the Tibetans and Chinese is fostering a better understanding of our mutual concerns and interests.

I believe that it is more important to look forward to the future than to dwell in the past. Theoretically speaking it is not impossible that the six million Tibetans could benefit from joining the one billion Chinese of their own free will, if a relationship based on equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect could be established. If China wants Tibet to stay with her, it is up to China to create the necessary conditions. Based on my belief in non-violence and in dialogue, I have consistently tried to engage the Chinese Government in serious negotiations concerning the future of the Tibetan people. Unfortunately the Chinese Government's response to my many overtures has been consistently negative.

The Tibet issue will neither go away of its own accord, nor can it be wished away. As the past has clearly shown, neither intimidation, nor coercion of the Tibetan people can force a solution. Sooner or later, the leadership in Beijing will have to face this fact. Actually, the Tibet problem represents an opportunity for China. If it were solved properly through negotiation, not only would it be helpful in creating a political atmosphere conducive to the smooth transition of China into a new era but also China's image throughout the world would be greatly enhanced. A properly negotiated settlement would furthermore have a strong, positive impact on the peoples of both Hong Kong and Taiwan and will do much to improve Sino-lndian relations by inspiring genuine trust and confidence. Moreover, if our Buddhist culture can flourish once again in Tibet, we are confident of being able to make a significant contribution to millions of our Chinese brothers and sisters by sharing with them those spiritual and moral val

ues which are so clearly lacking in China today.

We seek to resolve the issue of Tibet in a spirit of reconciliation, compromise and understanding. I remain committed to negotiations with China. In order to find a mutually acceptable solution, I have adopted a "middle-way" approach. This is also in response to, and within the framework of, Mr Deng Xiaoping's stated assurance that "anything except independence can be discussed and resolved." I have formulated the basic ideas of the "middle-way" approach in my formal proposals, the Five Point Peace Plan (1987) and the Strasbourg Proposal in 1988. I regret very much that Mr Deng Xiaoping has not been able to translate his assurance into reality. However, I am hopeful that his successors will see the wisdom of resolving our problem peacefully through negotiations. These proposals were very well received internationally, and they can still form a rational basis for negotiations. My framework for negotiations does not call for the independence of Tibet. What I am striving for is genuine self-government for Tibet

. Today I wish to reiterate our willingness to start negotiations with China anytime, anywhere, without any pre-conditions.

We Tibetans will continue our non-violent struggle for freedom. My people are calling for an intensification of the struggle, and I believe they will put this into effect. But we will resist the use of violence as an expression of the desperation which many Tibetans feel. As long as I lead our freedom struggle, there will be no deviation from the path of non-violence.

Concerning my vision for Tibet, I have proposed that the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo be transformed into a zone of "Ahimsa", a Hindi term used to mean a state of peace and non-violence.

For over a thousand years we Tibetans have adhered to spiritual and environmental values in order to maintain the delicate balance of life across the high plateau on which we live. Inspired by the Buddha's message of compassion and non-violence and protected by our mountains, we sought to respect every form of life and to abandon war as an instrument of national policy.

The establishment of such a peace zone would be in keeping with Tibet's historical role as a peaceful and neutral Buddhist nation and buffer state separating the continent's great powers. My country's unique history and profound spiritual heritage render it ideally suited for fulfilling the role of a sanctuary of peace at the heart of Asia. This would require the withdrawal of Chinese troops and military installations from the country, which would enable India also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalyan regions bordering Tibet. The establishment of Tibet as a zone of peace would be achieved under an international agreement which would satisfy China's legitimate security needs and build trust among the Tibetan, Indian, Chinese and other peoples of the region. This is in everyone's best interest, particularly that of China and India as it would enhance their security while reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations on the disputed Himalayan border.

Moreover, it is my hope that Tibet be transformed into our planet's largest natural preserve and that there be strict laws to protect wildlife and plant life. The exploration of natural resources should be carefully regulated. The manufacture, testing and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and other armaments must be prohibited, as well as the use of nuclear power and other technologies which produce hazardous waste.

Furthermore, I believe that in the future, Tibet should have a multi-party system of parliament. The Government of Tibet should be comprised of legislative, executive and judiciary bodies, with a clear separation of powers between them and each independent of the other and vested with equal powers and authority. The Government of Tibet should be founded on a constitution or basic law. The basic law should provide for a democratic system of government entrusted with the task of ensuring economic equality, social justice and the protection of the environment. As individual freedom is the real source and potential of any society's development, the Government of Tibet should seek to ensure this freedom by full adherence to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

I have officially stated that I will not occupy any positions in the future Government of Tibet. I have important reasons for this decision: Future Tibet must have a fully democratic system of government. It is, therefore, my ambition to establish a sound and fully democratic government in the remaining span of my active life. We need to activate the collective potential of our people and not rely on one individual. It is quite obvious that as long as I head the government, many Tibetans are complacent on matters of national interest because of their trust and reverence for me. Moreover, it is realistic to expect considerable difficulties at the initial stage when a democratic government assumes the responsibility of running the country. In such cases, I think, I will be in a better position to serve the people as an individual outside the government. I can be called on to offer advice on or mediate in disputes which could not be overcome by the existing political mechanism.

It is my hope and my fervent prayer that the day will come soon when Tibet need no longer be an occupied land, oppressed by force, unproductive and scarred by suffering. The Tibetan people are committed in making the roof of the world a free haven where humanity and nature live in harmonious balance and a creative and non-violent model for resolutions of conflicts afflicting many areas throughout the world.

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THE OFFICE OF TIBET, TIBET HOUSE, 1 CULWORTH STREET

LONDON NW8 7AF, UNITED KINGDOM

The Office of Tibet is the official agency of His Holiness the Dalai Lama

Tel: 0044-171-722 5378 Fax: 0044-171-722 0362

E-mail: tibetlondon@gn.apc.org

Internet: http://www.gn.apc.org/tibetlondon/

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