es of 2,700 persons accused of counter-revolutionary acts, to grant foreign observers regular access to Tibet, Eastern Turkestan, and Inner Mongolia. The document also condemns China's occupation of Tibet and solicits the Chinese government to accept the proposal of the Dalai Lama, which requests the opening of negotiations based upon the cultural and religious autonomy of the Tibetan people and their right to political self determination. The Report also requests that the Commission open an Information Office in Taipei, as has been requested in various resolutions, and actively deplores the fact that the European Council and European Commission were unable to keep a common position on the question of the grave violations of human rights in China during the works of the last UN Human Rights Committee in Geneva.** THE FOLLOWING IS THE ENTIRETY OF THE SPEECH DELIVERED BY TRANSNATIONAL RADICAL PARTY SECRETARY AND EUROPEAN DEPUTY OLIVIER DUPUIS DURING THE COURSE OF THE DEBATE AND THE PRESS RELEASE OF THE RADIC

AL DEPUTIES REGARDING THE CHINESE REACTION FOLLOWING THE VOTE ON THE MCMILLAN-SCOTT REPORT. __________________________

* SPEECH BY OLIVIER DUPUIS (Strasburg, June 11, 1997): "Mister President, we are few, but we have the honor of having the Commissioner (Sir Leon Brittan, ndr) amongst us, a fact that I consider important. I do not say this for Mrs. Moreau (French Communist, ndr), but because I believe that when we speak of human rights we speak of democracy, and our objective is to prevent that a model of progress without democracy will emerge, thus creating a Great Singapore. Our work in the Parliament is that of defining a policy which permits us to reach the establishment of democracy in China as soon as possible. This Report represents, therefore, a first important step in that direction. It will also give us permission to further pursue Commissioner Brittan, but in this it resolves only a minor portion of the problem. I think we all remember the grave happenings which intervened in the definition of a common European foreign policy regarding the issue of human rights in China. We all have Geneva in mind and the disas

ter of the European Union that occurred there. This was followed by French President Chirac's visit to China, who promised us changes that we await to this day, as well as the visit of the President of the Italian Council (Prime Minister Prodi), who repeated to us that he would be firm and that he would have asked that China assume new responsibilities in addressing the question of human rights. We could not register one concrete result from his visit. I would thus like to say that what we are doing is increasingly important, but that we must stand firm before the European council in the coming months, especially since the Council has recently announced that it is prepared to redefine its policy towards China. If its policy will be re-aligned according to the McMillan-Scott Report, it will be a first step in a positive direction. On the contrary, if the definition of this policy will be a confirmation of that policy chosen by Chirac and Prodi, I believe we will be headed for disaster." _____________________

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* DECLARATION OF GIANFRANCO DELL'ALBA AND OLIVIER DUPUIS, EUROPEAN DEPUTIES OF THE RADICAL EUROPEAN ALLIANCE (Brussels, June 18, 1997): "The Chinese criticism of the position taken by the European Parliament regarding its endorsement of the McMillan-Scott is unacceptable, and we hope that the President of the EP will react in a firm and adequate manner in condemning the insults to the Parliament which have not had any effect beyond the fact that they reaffirm the positions we constantly assume on the issues of democracy and human rights in China. Whoever hopes that the EP will be intimidated by the cynical and blind realpolitik that has prevailed during the session of the Human Rights Commission in Geneva, where various nations (France, Italy, Germany, and Spain) rejected the policy that has thus far been followed by the European Union, has once again been defeated. At this point, before the Chinese insults on one hand, and the profound divisions within the Council on the other, the Parliament cannot to e

lse but affirm its policy on relations with China in general, and, with particular coherence regarding Hong Kong, cancel the participation of its delegation at the ceremonies scheduled in Hong Kong on June 30th, which foresee, among other things, the presence of international guests at the opening of the new, and illegitimate, Legislative council." ___________________________________ DEBATE ON THE SATYAGRAHA (PART III) The debate on the Satyagraha for the freedom of occupied Tibet continues. It is a debate, we remind you, that is open to all those who are interested in creating a global movement for the freedom of Tibet. We have included two speeches reflecting upon the matter in this issue, as well as the introductory remarks of TRP Secretary Olivier Dupuis (Published in Tibet Fax no. 58). Those who are interested in reading the collection of speeches published to date may request them from the editor's office. ________________________________________________________ ARE WE PREPARED TO INITIATE A NONVI

OLENT SATYAGRAHA? (4) by Klemens Ludwig (President of Germany's "Tibet Initiative Deutschland")"I am in complete agreement with Olivier Dupuis when he says that "the nonviolent struggle for the freedom of Tibet has yet to begin." In my opinion, the question that remains is whether we are really prepared to initiate a nonviolent Satyagraha and its consequences. I am not suggesting we are not ready, but that it will require an immense effort on our behalf. All of the nonviolent "weapons" such as fastings, sit-ins, gatherings, and marches are not enough for a Satyagraha unless these take place in Tibet. It is not difficult for them to be organized in Geneva, Brussels, Paris, or Bonn, and even the number of participants must increase. Nonetheless, the question is whether or not we want to assume the responsibility of the risk of these activities in occupied Tibet. And what would the consequences be for us and the Tibetans?""We often refer to Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King as examples of nonviolent s

truggle. From my perspective, the examples are not adequate. Both of them struggled within a relatively democratic system, were partially supported by certain media and public of that same system, and this support was crucial to their success.""Can we expect any type of support on behalf of the Chinese people or media regarding the nonviolent struggle for the freedom of Tibet? I'm afraid not. It is not because all Chinese citizens are anti-Tibet, but because their authoritarian regime does not allow space for protest. For example, the fact that a true nonviolent struggle never took place against Hitler or Stalin should not surprise us. Such totalitarian regimes do not create the conditions for organizing such protests. Regarding Tibet, the Chinese government would react as Hitler or Stalin did, and not like the British or American governments did.""How does all of this affect the nonviolent Satyagraha campaign?""If it were supported solely by the Tibetans in exile, we could continue with our activities

of placing pressure on the Chinese government and our own governments until they also press the Chinese. Such strategies are effective when considering the controversy within the Chinese Leadership concerning Tibet, a fact that allows us to hope for change. The Satyagraha is an ethical concept which foresees a personal commitment and risk which goes beyond that which the Tibetans in exile and other non-Tibetans have taken. It would not be unrealistic to say that the Tibetans are prepared to take such risks. But as a representative of a movement which supports Tibet who lives in a country that is rich and filled with commodities, I can say that the road which must follow to prepare the Satyagraha is a long one. I do not mean to be a pessimist, as I do believe in the possibility of change, but it is not practical to live in a world of illusions. My idea is that we must learn from the Tibetans concerning when the time will be right to earnestly begin the Satyagraha, and only then every individual who is prepar

ed to participate and assume the risks of being arrested will exemplify a great success and be a model for others to follow. In this sense, I believe in taking little steps, and I believe that it will never be too late for Tibet as long as the Tibetans never renounce themselves." ________________________________________________________________________ THE SATYAGRAHA INCLUDING CHINESE DISSIDENTS, THE UIGURI, AND MONGOLS (5) By Michael Alexander (Director of "Tibet Information Service," Germany and Malta)I fully agree with Anders H. Anderssen (Tibet fax 59) that Tibetans must take charge of this operation. All philosophical and well-meant support from people other than Tibetans are, of course, valuable but it is the practical approach which, in the end, is of real importance. We also should co-ordinate all efforts together with Chinese dissidents, with Uighurs and Mongols because they have the same aims. We could support them in and outside Tibet and other areas only to a certain extent. The main practic

al task has to be done by them. They should sit together and work out concrete plans, but it would be foolish to make these plans known through Tibet Fax or other means of communications, because the Chinese authorities will have this Knowledge immediately through their channels and could counteract all plans.So, whatever the practical plans and communications are concerned they have to be kept top-secret otherwise the Satyagraha will end in complete failure. This also applies to any expert advice Tibet supporters may be asked to give. And when I say experts, I do not mean just wellmeaning people but experts in clandestine operations, because that is in practice what it will amount to. There is another aspect to look at: The non-violent way Gandhi went to achieve Indian independence with thousands of people lying on the road thus blocking any transports has worked with British but will never work with Chinese who would not hesitate to roll over them with tanks. Lastly: Non-violence is applied to people -a

s I see it- but not to objects._______

Note: Articles must be sent via fax or preferably via e-mail to the TRP Office in Brussels in English, French, or Italian. The length of the text should not exceed 40-50 typed lines. Fax: 32-2-284.91.98e-mail: pr.bruxelles@agora.stm.it_______

(Published by FREEDOM FOR TIBET/DEMOCRACY IN CHINA ! - Number 60 - 2 July, 1997)