Published by: World Tibet Network News Friday, October 17, 1997

Newsday, October 16, 1997

By Lodi Gyari.

Lodi Gyari is president of the International Campaign for Tibet.

AS A TIBETAN, I am often asked: "Is there really any hope for Tibet? Isn't China too strong, and aren't U.S. commercial interests too important?"

The answer is yes, there is hope for Tibet, and that hope has been growing for Tibetans as their case is being heard more clearly around the world. And, yes, China is strong and growing stronger, and U.S. commercial interests are very important.

But, if China can peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet through negotiations, it will be a stronger and healthier member of the international community. And Secretary of State Madeleine Albright just made a significant step in the right direction.

Albright's decision to appoint a special coordinator for Tibetan issues followed several years of work by members of Congress to establish such a post. Albright said a "central objective of this position will be to promote substantive dialogue" between China and Tibet's exiled leader, the Dalai Lama.

Why should Americans care about Tibet? First of all, to prove that nonviolence can work. Instead of trying to gain world attention through violence or terrorism, Tibetans are dedicated to using peaceful methods. Second, America has a strong interest in a democratic China based on the rule of law. As long as China occupies Tibet through brute force and suppresses its own citizens, it cannot be a good partner and ally for U.S. strategic or commercial interests.

If the United States supports peoples who respect human rights, maintain religious freedom and promote the rule of law, it will result in untold long-term benefit. Putting too much emphasis on short-term profits, as many countries are doing with China, will lead to continued instability in Asia and undermine workers' progress in Asia.

Albright's announcement of a special coordinator is a step toward recognizing that good relations with China cannot be built upon appeasement. China strongly criticized Bill Clinton's administration for this move, but liberal and moderate Chinese do not share the views of their hard-line government that the Dalai Lama should be regarded as a criminal.

The efficacy of the special coordinator ultimately depends on the weight afforded his or her office within the State Department policy-making apparatus.

A key indication will be the visibility he or she will be afforded during the upcoming state visit of Chinese President Jiang Zemin in late October. This is the first time such a high-level Chinese leader has come to the United States since Deng Xiao Peng's 1979 visit, and both sides are nervous about how the American public will react to Clinton hosting one of the worst human-rights violators in the world.

Albright apparently understands how to deal with the Chinese government better than many so-called "China experts," and the appointment of the special coordinator reflects that understanding. When Clinton separated China's most-favored-nation trade status from improvement in its human rights practices in 1994, the United States lost credibility with Beijing. It has not been regained.

Mixed signals sent by various officials and departments of the Clinton administration about the importance of human rights were understandably interpreted by Beijing as a lack of resolve on the part of Clinton.

If this lack of resolve is perceived by Beijing during the Washington summit late this month, democratic forces in China and the people of Tibet will be severely undermined. When Clinton rolls out the red carpet and lifts his glass to toast the leader of the largest Communist country in the world, he risks giving a great deal of legitimacy to the Communist Party and the Chinese military - the people responsible for imprisoning and executing thousands of Chinese and Tibetans who believe in democracy.

For this summit to be truly successful, there must be progress on improving human-rights conditions in China and Tibet and a commitment to begin negotiations with the Dalai Lama over Tibet. These goals should be seen as non-negotiable and fundamental to Sino-U.S. relations, just as stable and fair commercial relations are.