In 1990 the probable has been impossible, the impossible hasn't.

by Marco Pannella

The Radical Party today has more members in Moscow than in Turin, more in Prague than in Naples. One member out of four is a non-Italian. Slightly less than one Italian Radical out of ten is detained in prison. Sitting in the Federal Council are deputies or senators or members of the European Parliament belonging to the Liberal Party, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Social Democrat Party, the Green Party, the Green-Arcobaleno, the Antiprohibitionists, the parliamentary groups of the people's deputies of the Moscow and Leningrad Soviet, as well as democratic exponents of twenty nationalities.

A party that claims complete freedom for its militants

The party of political non-violence, political democracy, political tolerance and laicism; political-ecologist environmentalism, political federalism, European federalism, human and civil rights, a liberal-democratic and liberal-socialist party, with an antiprohibitionist stance on drugs, anti-authoritarian, anti-nationalist, anti-militarist. The only party, the only political organization with libertarian, transnational, transpartisan rules and structures, lay in its history, its rules, its statute, its method, its beliefs and its goals. A lay and possibly even "illuminist" party, but in a century and a world in which the "enlightenment" sheds light from within on the history of the populations, of the immense masses of people (and is instead dimmed if not altogether extinguished in public life, in official politics, in power) forced to live as collective consciousnesses and sub-consciousnesses denied in facts, for all that concerns the right to life and the life of rights, even if these are increasingly as

serted in theory. A party that demands complete freedom for its militants, and is based on this very freedom, or, in the absence of freedom, it founders, it is denied; a party that needs the complete freedom of its opponents even more than it needs its own.

We are a "Thing" (1) that has a name, a statute, rules, ideas, a history to continue, the guarantee of the "accomplishment" for all that must be "accomplished" today and tomorrow, which has no other strength but words and the action of those who want to it, and inscribe it in history and in their own persons. The "life" of which has the fullness of life, its dramatic and yet exciting temporariness, its precariousness and its length, both the magnitude and the limits of the "individual", unique and essential, a "thing" which is both means and tool, not church or army, for all those who want to appreciate it and use it.

This is the identity, but still not the image. The number of its militants, of its features, of its histories, albeit so extraordinary and common, is still too scarce for it to impose itself to the attention of leading classes and populations who are maddened by a system of communication and information which is only a lethal mirror of the self, and not confrontation, dialogue, quest, knowledge, culture and development of each and all.

The new "possible"

In everyone's opinion, the world and the planet today appear to be wounded, perhaps in a lethal way; unless a new "possible" is invented. And one of the evidences of this "new possible", of an almost dazzling rationality and obviousness, is the Radical Party, which has always been, for thirty years, "impossible history", time after time, year after year, event after event. We have existed amid official denial, in the denial on the part of the cultural world, the world of power, of politics, of the mass media; the population caught a glimpse of us, while only few saw us clearly: Elio Vittorini (2), Pier Paolo Pasolini (3), Leonardo Sciascia (4), at times even Baget Bozzo (5), Panebianco (6), and a few others, to mention Italian writers.

In a period of thirty years at the most, and mostly for a very short period, there have been no more than thirty thousand radicals. We have never had more than four thousand members in the same year (with an exception of eighteen months, which proves the rule) if we include the history of the LID (7), or - today - of the CORA (8) in the history of the Radical Party.

In the heart of stone of the palaces...

And yet we can honestly assert that no other organized political force - not one - has posed and imposed the urgency of so many different problems to the conscience of a whole country, to each man and woman, problems concerning the world but also their personal problems, general and intimate, in the heart of stone of the palaces, in their darkest and most rotten corners, in the "men of law" or in ordinary people, of betrayed religions, of waste and despair, as in the substance of the things they hoped for. No country has ever had the occasion to face so many unveiled urgencies, so many precious reforms, and has expressed them or suggested them or even, unfortunately, wasted them. The Radical Party still now represents an unexplained but convinced "impossibility" on the one hand, and on the other hand an accomplished impossibility.

No firm, no corporation of any kind has ever had the productive, creative capacity, especially in terms of costs/income, price/quality ratio, as well as in terms of organization and location of the resources, professional skill and planning capacity, that the Radical Party has. This association of ours, of a very fine social depth, is more than ever alive - far from being obsolete or dead! - and at such a point "impossible", that no sociologist, no political expert is willing to acknowledge its effective existence and no longer investigates its features, because these are such as to radically deny and jeopardize the very systems on which their Ptolemaic qualification, activity and "education" are based. "Some time ago" (this is the most suitable expression) Baget Bozzo called us a "political minority which is capable of giving expression and victory to vast social majorities". But because we have neither the yearning nor the possibility of being a "national-political" minority, nor a "national-social majorit

y", this dear prophet of ours as well has remained silent; and has preferred, instead, to talk about Andreotti (9), Craxi (10), out of passion and nostalgia for something that no longer exists: at last a conscious Ptolemaic!

Defeat of the "probable" and reaffirmation of the "impossible"

1990 is coming to a close, for the Radical Party, with a new sharp defeat of the "probable", and with an equally sharp reaffirmation of the "impossible".

Our Federal Council (11) considered it most probable that a few thousand Italians would have joined the Radical party (possibly out of gratitude or amends!), especially the "enlightened communists" of the Thing, possibly in the proportion of one person for each Italian municipality, that is, about eight thousand on a total of approximately one million and four hundred thousand members of the Communist Party (PCI). A joint official statement delivered by the Secretaries of the two parties, Occhetto and Stanzani, unmistakably proclaimed the definite features of an "International" of the Radical Party, not in competition at a national level with the existing parties; and the Secretary of the PCI had expressed the hope that all democrats help the Radical Party overcome its difficulties. Darendhorf (12) seemed to have become one of the prophets of the Unity and of the Thing. The "Nathan lists" (13) were meant to unite us from an electoral and political point of view in the regional, provincial and municipal ele

ctions. The adhesion to the referendum to change to the Anglo-Saxon system, at least for the elections of the Senate, announced by our Federal Council, has appeared to all, including the mass medias, as a great step ahead toward a radically new "Thing", truly belonging to a large part of the communists of the PCI, the liberal-democrats and liberal-socialists, the non-violents and "Westerners" of the Radical Party and surroundings.

A professionalism which is also political morality

In our professionalism, which we should be proud of at least as much as we have been guiltily shy of, and which is also political morality, we considered it probable that the human and financial resources, and the consequent prestige, would have been such as to enable us, with 5/10 thousand Italian members, to reach the goal of at least other 20 thousand members in the USSR and 10 thousand in other countries of the empire in a short lapse of time.

It was to be considered absolutely probable that 0,004 of the members of the PCI, that is 4 per thousand, would include the interest to "finance" or literally give life to an internationalist non-violent, environmentalist, lay, European federalist enterprise (at a moment in which the Italian organization was experiencing a complete national contraction), capable of "actions" and of achieving precise goals, with the direct adhesion of the people, of the militants, and backed by an irreproachable past in the crisis of the Soviet empire, as in many parts of the South of the world, in a climate of the "liberal revolution" advocated by Gobetti (14). We did not add the fact that if there had been these "eight thousand" adhesions over a total of "one million four hundred and eight thousand", two consequences would have appeared inevitable and natural: over 80% of the Italian members of the Radical Party would have been communists of the Communist Party; these "eight thousand" adhesions would have become a flood, on

ce the "Berlin Wall" of the radical, liberal-democratic, non-violent taboo had collapsed. In other words, while waiting to adhere with the new/old party apparatus to the Socialist International, the Italian communists would have had the institutions, a powerful means of political battle, of new aggregation, of possible "annexation" therefore of the Radical Party, of its history, of its potentiality in their hands, to reform politics. We did not add this, but we believed that all this would have been evident for almost all those who wanted to devote a moment of attention to it. (...)

Instead, the impossible occurred. Everything and the contrary of everything is occurring inside the PCI. The "internal debate" included the ideological apology of capitalism, the priestly apology of the ancient politics of Monaco and of the "lethal" pseudo-anti-violent "pacifism". But those who joined the Radical Party, acting in a lay manner instead of discussing ideologically, were three hundred "others", and less than one hundred "communists", in spite of the testimonies of Willer Bordon (15), of Michele Serra (16). In January, therefore, we had considered all that did not occur extremely probable, and had considered it "impossible" that - without that "probable" - it was possible to do anything else but immediately suspend the Radical Party's political activity, owing to a want of that minimum which is necessary to act and assert oneself. The perspective was that of later dissolving the Party itself. How could we hope to gain even a few thousand members, having interrupted all activity? And how could we

avoid going bankrupt, changing identity as well as image?

I can only postpone the analysis of what occurred when the political activity was practically suspended, and when the structure had been set to zero.

To let the dead bury their dead

If we want to let the dead bury their dead, the only thing to do is to speak and deal with the Radical Party: of this "thing". And we will do so increasingly, I hope.

A huge mine of precious material

The Radical Party is a huge mine of precious and extremely rare material which we ourselves have still not been capable or wanted to explore, and that we have had the strength not to sell off, in spite of the fact that we were broke, thus preventing a flood of putrid garbage from burying it and obstructing its accesses and its veins forever. It remains possible, perhaps probable, that it will be necessary to shut this mine down; or rather, that other people will shut it down, and this thanks to the increasingly common and necessary violation of the law on the part of the leading classes of "real democracies". But today I am certain that this would occur without jeopardizing the near future, and without an alienation of the patrimony and a bankruptcy for the firm.

Some facts must, however, be clearly pointed out. The "impossible", that is, the non-catastrophe, the turnabout, the straightening of the situation of the Radical Party in the absence of the 5/10/50,000 members in 1990, is instead occurring.

Thanks to the "impossible" adhesion of over three thousand Italians and over one thousand non-Italians, in the absence of activity, we have benefited of the time and energies necessary to determine an economic-financial situation of radical contraction of the liabilities, so that, for the first time in years, and without touching a single cent of the public funds for 1991, we will close the year - sic stantibus rebus - with a indebtedness contracted by over 50%.

New premises, efficient and appealing

We are about to open the new Party's new premises, the first that we own, extremely attractive and efficient, and that are worth at least three times the amount of money we invested.

Not only did we save Radio Radicale at the very last moment, with its unsurpassable public, civic and democratic function, but we also created many of the conditions for its growth, with the passing of the law which will finance its reorganization, with funds amounting to 16 million dollars in less than three years.

A great achievement, also in terms of acknowledgement and of prestige for one of the brightest Radical successes of the last fifteen years.

The new law on televisions creates a very delicate and difficult situation in a field in which our "area", starting from the functions carried out by Teleroma 56 and Canale 66 (17) can however finally confront itself with something different from the law of the jungle, and imagine interesting developments for a broader and more relevant democratic information and activity.

I think I can also say that, in a literally "impossible" situation, and as such considered by the Federal Council and by the second Italian Congress of the Radical Party, forced as we are to dissolve the structure and to suspend the political activity of the Party as such, we have equally managed to maintain commitments, initiatives, presences in Italy, in the USSR, in Czechoslovakia, in Hungary, of ascertained political and ideal importance for all radicals, and this thanks to the absolutely extraordinary demonstration of love, of capacity, of courage given by Sergio Stanzani, Paolo Vigevano, Emma Bonino and other ten companions at the most, who have also continued believing in the Party and in our ideas.

The feeling is that of really being at the end of our strength

We often have the feeling of really being at the end of our strength and of the possibility of continuing, in the impossible conditions of activity and work in which we are forced to remain due to the absence of the reinstatement of elementary possibilities of dividing the responsibilities and the activities of the Party. But if we let go for a moment, if we yield to the increasing temptation of "being content" with what we have achieved, of "passing", of investing the few resources we have in a congress, if we resumed the "normal", that is, extraordinary, activities of the party now, we would squander all that we have succeeded in winning back with the other four thousand radicals of 1990, and we would re-establish the immediate and persistent causes for the crises of these last five years. We are eager to be able to use congressional powers before the Congress, to free us partly or completely from the burden and the compulsion of this effort.

Because we cannot do so, we must continue

At this point, we are opening the 1991 membership campaign. The fees for 1991 will remain the same as the ones for 1990 in Central and Eastern Europe, also in consideration of the recession in most of these countries; that is: 365 Kr., 730 Ft., 25,55 rubles, 365 Dinars a year, or 1 Kr., 2 Ft., 7 Kopecki, 1 Dinar a day. As far as Poland is concerned, given the currency changes that have occurred, the fee will be raised to 73,000 Zloty a year, or 200 Zloty a day. For Rumania the fee for this year will be calculated, as for the other countries, on the basis of the gross domestic income. This will correspond to a minimum of 1 Leo a day, or 365 Lei a year.

We would like to address an appeal to all those who can do so, to pay the fees for 1990 and for 1991. In addition to the campaign for memberships, we are also opening an extraordinary campaign to collect funds, also in view of the "year-end bonus" and of the Christmas expenses. We ask all of you to allow us to publish short statements on why one joins the radical party for the first time or renews the membership, because this will be an example and an encouragement for the others, and for us too, in our difficult task.

We all need it tremendously. I hope that the rigour, the humbleness, the strength, the intelligence, the hope, the creativeness that the "impossible" 4,000 adhesions for 1990 have expressed and made possible, and the discouraging results of those millions of people who, unanimously, decided to "drop" the Radical Party (worried only by the risk of losing their "property", which is in fact what they jeopardized), will make people think, and lead to the use of prudence and generosity.

Editor's notes: while adding the following notes, we cannot but hope that they will not strike those who know the Italian political reality as offensive.

(1) "Thing": a term adopted by the Italian mass media to describe the project aimed at changing the name, the symbol and the program of the Italian Communist Party during the transition period between November 1989 and October 1990. On the 11th of October 1990, the general secretary of the Communist Party, Achille Occhetto, suggested the new name of "Democratic Party of the Left" and a large stylized oak tree as the new symbol to the Central Committee.

(2) Elio Vittorini: writer, former communist, founder of the Radical Party in 1955.

(3) Pier Paolo Pasolini: Poet, film director, writer, editorialist. Was murdered in 1976.

(4) Leonardo Sciascia: writer, elected member of the European Parliament in 1979 and member of the Italian Parliament for the Radical Party; died in 1989.

(5) Gianni Baget Bozzo: priest, political expert, member of the Italian Socialist Party, member of the European Parliament.

(6) Angelo Panebianco: political expert, editorialist for the Corriere della Sera, former member of the Radical Party.

(7) L.I.D.: Italian League for Divorce. Founded in 1969 by the radicals, by the socialist parliamentarian Loris Fortuna, by the Liberal parliamentarian Antonio Baslini and several others.

(8) CoRA: Radical Anti-Prohibitionist Coordination. Founded in 1989 by members of the radical Party particularly active for the problem of drugs.

(9) Giulio Andreotti: member of parliament since 1946, several times secretary of the Christian Democrat Party, currently Prime Minister.

(10) Bettino Craxi: Former Prime Minister. Currently Secretary of the Socialist Party.

(11) Federal Council: the Radical Party's consultative organ. The last one, mentioned in the text, was held in Rome in January 1990.

(12) Ralph Dahrendorf: political expert and English philosopher of German origin. One of the most important contemporary theorists of liberalism.

(13) "Nathan lists": project for a major civic and non-partisan electoral ticket, which was supposed to include different politicians and forces among which communists, radicals and environmentalists. The name Nathan had been suggested by Marco Pannella and refers to the first mayor who was not associated to the clerical power in Rome in the XXth century.

(14) Piero Gobetti: Antifascist, died aged 26 after he was beaten up by fascist groups. Author of a reference book: "Liberal revolution".

(15) Willer Bordon: from Trieste, communist member of parliament, member of the Radical Party's Federal Council.

(16) Michele Serra: journalist, editor in chief of "Cuore", satirical supplement to the Communist Party's daily newspaper "L'Unità".

(17) Teleroma 56 and Canale 66, television channels belonging to the Radical Party that cover the Latium area in Italy.