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The final part of the draft report of the Radical Party's First Secretary and of the Treasurer for the next Federal Council to be held in Rome from april 27th to may 1st. It is the Radical Party's "programm" for 1991.

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1.1. A program of activities which is based on a political project.

The Radical Party's program of activities for 1991 consists of a series of initiatives and goals aimed at:

a) safeguarding, enhancing and completing, if possible and as soon as possible, the change of direction which lead the Party on the verge of disappearance and to the extraordinary management as indicated by the Budapest Congress, and which finds us today in an unhoped for albeit extremely difficult situation;

b) the simultaneous launch and enactment of an all-round proposal for a common action and a reinforcement of the transnational Party, in order to root it in the European (and world) institutions and civil societies; to start with, the proposal will be addressed to a few thousand members of Parliament in several democratic countries of the world, first of all in Europe, to political exponents, to the leading classes and to the mass media.

Because we want to concentrate on giving all possible details and information concerning point b), we will take the first point for granted, even if it is not.

This is not just a goal, but also a method. We want to promote the involvement of the greatest possible number of members of Parliament, political exponents, representatives of the leading classes of Europe and subsequently of the world in the Radical Party's activity and structure. The project consists of informing them and rousing their interest in the transnational (and transpartisan) Party's political proposal, to the point of actively and simultaneously involving them, if possible, both in the general political project and in specific common initiatives. To associate them to the Party, to create transnational, autonomous and federate organizations together, which will, for their part, promote militant adhesions and presences in each country, to carry out a liberal, socialist, democratic, non-violent, environmentalist revolution against established disorder.

Clearly, this project, this enterprise, is extremely complex and ambitious.

1.2. The topics and the initiatives.

The project consists in proposing initiatives to be assumed and carried out simultaneously in the greatest possible number of countries, for example against the enforcement of the death penalty, or against the use of torture or on the standard of living, the ecological safeguard of our planet, the immense problems connected to European waste discharges, the greenhouse effect, the protection of the atmospheric ozone layer, the deforestation, the use of chemicals in agriculture.

Another initiative might concern the relaunch, through the enforcement of positive law, of the fifteen-year old proposal to give cogent force to international law and to reform the role of the United Nations.

Yet another initiative could focus on anti-militarism: the conversion of military expenditure into projects for the life and development of the billion people who live with the problem of hunger and therefore, the resumption of the campaign that followed the 1980 "Nobel Prizes' Manifesto".

Other possible topics: the political union of the States of Europe, as a means to overcome nationalisms as well as linguistic and racial barriers; antiprohibitionism against the crime fueled by the clandestine drug market; antitotalitarianism and the defence of human rights; the abolition of firearm certificates; the overcoming or the abolition of penitentiaries; penal law; the need for a "vehicular language" to simulate a historical process of linguistic acquisition enabling the speakers of the hegemonic language to acquire a second language; the demographic issue: tackling demographic problems from an environmental point of view; abortion; sexual education.

1.3. The interlocutors.

In order to launch this project, this program of initiatives and activities, these targets of political action, it is necessary to identify the interlocutors, to urge and promote the creation of several groups, each focusing on a specific proposal or initiative. These groups would be associated to a single transnational and transpartisan political subject, which requires the adhesions of the leading classes above all, but also of ordinary people, through the initiatives, the actions and the goals which they will be capable of identifying, defining and achieving.

It is therefore necessary to launch an appeal to all those exponents of the cultural, scientific, artistic as well as political milieu, starting from the "Nobel Prizes", who have met and known the Party, shared its struggles in so many years, asking them to help it launch the project with their name, their prestige, their contribution, "sponsoring" it while it is in progress.

In other words, the attempt is to urge the exponents of the leading classes who are closest to us as in ideals and aspirations to immediately converge on this project, and thus form a first operational "nucleus", which represents the basis of an organizational "network" with the Party's militants, starting from those who live outside of Italy.

1.4. A means for non-violent political action.

The development of the project "by topics" should be extended also to the Party's supporting structure. This should enable and favour the development of specific proposals of political initiative in and for each topic, with the possibility for the interlocutors to adhere even only to one of these, according to criteria that are similar to the ones established for the "Radical associations"; this would lay the foundations of a new federal structure and organization of the (transnational and transpartisan) Radical Party.

With its commitment and its initiatives, the Party must successfully overcome the divorce between knowledge and intelligence on the one hand, and politics and power on the other hand, and this not just in theory but also with adequate means and operational instruments.

This project aims at the creation of a true "party of action", capable of carrying out a "non-violent action".

Once achieved, this project will enable Gandhian non-violents "for the right to life and the life of rights" such as we are, to resume or to launch on a mass basis, in dozens of capitals of the world - starting with the European ones - our demonstrations, fasts and non-violent initiatives to urge the enforcement of those provisions and the passage of those bills. We want to create a nonviolent-Gandhian, transnational and transpartisan, democratic, environmentalist and ecologist, European and democratic federalist, lay, liberaldemocratic, antiprohibitionist, anti-partycratic, antimilitarist and anticlerical political subject, consisting, at first, of at least a few thousand members in the world upon direct adhesion. This in order to create a Party in which each person may choose to invest shares of hope.

1.5. The project's ambition.

The project's range of action is exceptional, and extremely ambitious; it requires a commitment, a quality, and an efficiency in the communication and despatch of messages as well as an organizational capacity which we ignore if the Party is capable of providing as such today.

1.6. The project's feasibility.

The stages involved in the project's feasibility are complex and difficult: the identification of the addressees, the topics of the message, the presentation, the drafting of the message, the translation, the publication, the dispatch and distribution, the reception and the response.

The project will be initially addressed to the European countries, both of Western and Eastern Europe, and ideally aims at establishing relations with members of Parliament, candidates elected in legislative assemblies or in assemblies having relevant political responsibilities and incidence, "national" assemblies, or assemblies that are the expression of State regulations of a "federal" nature, or of "regional" regulations having autonomous powers.

The aim is to communicate with approximately 35,000 elected candidates, living in 300 cities of 34 States, in addition to the members of the European Parliament.

As yet, we have acquired almost two thirds of these names and a third of them are already stored in memory.

Six centres are currently operating for the storage of the names: Rome, Brussels, Zagreb, Budapest, Prague and Moscow.

Moreover, we have decided to continue the search and the acquisition of names that are not included in the list of addressees we have been working on to this moment, and which could thus be extended - in consideration also of the possibility of including names of other countries or "areas" - and enhanced with the components of international organizations or associations, of "categories or groups" that are part of the "leading class" or whose influence on the latter is considered relevant, especially on an international basis.

There is no other organization that stores the names of all the members of Parliament of all democratic countries: this is already a valuable patrimony, and not only for us, but for everyone.

In addition to the problem of acquiring and inserting the names, there is also the problem of updating the list, receiving the answers and taking care of their "political management".

The message cannot be in the form of a simple "news bulletin", but neither can it have the aspect of a "magazine".

In order to acquire results that are significative to test the project's effectiveness, it is absolutely necessary to ensure at least 7-8 regular and prompt dispatches. Each dispatch - to be carried out at least once a month - must also be aimed at attracting attention and causing a response on a specific topic or initiative, with an operational proposal of a parliamentary initiative to be assumed according to coordinated conditions and stages.

The complexity of the editorial stage and of the aspects that characterize it is in itself enormous, considering the extension and the characteristics of the fields of action of the addressees, of the estimated number of the operational centres, of the difference and variety of languages and situations, of the importance of the topics and of the formulation of concrete proposals capable of rousing interest and attention, but especially adequate supports to the promotion and creation of the Party as a "transnational and transpartisan" means for political struggle upon direct adhesion.

In addition to Italian, the message would initially be written in 14 languages (with a total of 15 different versions of the message).

The presence of a vast and qualified pool of collaborators is essential to the task, both for the editorial stage and for the translations of the texts. We hope the project will also count on the cooperation of prestigious personalities as far as works achieved and commitments and responsibilities assumed are concerned.

There are serious problems and difficulties also for that which concerns the publication, the dispatch and the distribution of the messages; such problems have been tackled but as yet not solved.

Along with the work which has been done and is being done to prepare the technical-operational instrument in its different stages, there have been the first, significant and authoritative adhesions to the project. Such adhesions should come not only from the political milieu, but also from the cultural, scientific milieu, possibly involving entrepreneurial milieus, which could find a personal interest in the project.

It is a political project aimed at a political initiative, but also a real, innovative "enterprise", which calls for more extensive contributions and commitments compared to the ones the Party disposes of today.

The economic and financial dimensions of this project, of this "enterprise", greatly exceed the ones handled by the Party until now: the cost for the dispatch of each message will amount to at least L.500-600 million, with a global cost, for 6-8 issues, ranging from L.3 to 5 billion.

As we know, the Party can presently dispose of slightly over L.3 billion. The contributions of the "others", that is, of those who can ensure the success of the initiative by becoming shareholders is already indispensable.

The Party also disposes of a patrimony: by consuming it, the alternative is either an investment or a dissolution.

3.7. The project and the Party.

The relation between this project - which could seem an editorial project, but which is not and could not be - and the Party's political project is relevant: the regulatory, structural constitution of a major transnational, transpartisan and international political subject which contains the project and shapes it.

The innovation represented by this project is not that of offering a list of proposals from which to choose a single initiative, but that of organizing them as a whole. The project, the proposals, the initiatives live with those who adhere to them, and adherents and proposals give life together to the transnational political subject, which is where the evaluation and the general importance, the graduation of the contribution, the balance, the investments of each single proposal and initiative will be decided every one or two years, so that it may also become a concrete project.

The current project is a political project that aims at testing, in a new dimension, the response of the "others", which, as we know, is the necessary requirement and condition to ensure the life of the Party. In the event of a positive result, the project could also provide valuable indications on the Party's new structure, pattern and regulation, and on how the Party can assume a different statutory aspect, ensuring its existence and "orderly" development, passing from a "centre" to a "service".

The organization of the message "by topics" and the possibility of adhering even to only one proposal could foreshadow that federal statute "of and for the Left" (which has become "of and for democracy") which remains one of the Party's most valuable ambitions since its creation.

Only results and experience can provide all the elements and the connections, the articulations, the conditions to reach a new "form" capable of giving operational substance and capacity to the Party, establishing new, articulated relations between a "centre", which wants to be a "political service", and the resolve and the initiative of the "many" who are necessary to enact that continuity and renewal of politics - not only and no longer just in Italy - and actively contribute in establishing effective conditions of democracy, "for the right to life and the life of rights".