RESOLUTION A3-0208/92

Resolution on relations between the European Community and the republics of the former Yugoslavia

The European Parliament,

-having regard to the motions for resolutions by:

(a)Mr Blot on the growing danger of civil war in Yugoslovia and attempts at intimidation by the Communist Government of Serbia (B3-1862/90),

(b)Mr Avgerinos and others on the situation in Yugoslavia (B3-1941/90),

(c)Mr Habsburg and others on relations between the EC and the Republics of Croatia and Slovenia (B3-2117/90),

-having regard to the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Security and the opinion of the Committee on External Economic Relations (A3-0208/92),

A.shocked by the immense human suffering and the social, cultural and material damage which has been caused and is still being caused by the war on Croatian territory and in the republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina,

B.reaffirming the policy laid down in its earlier resolutions on Yugoslavia,

C.having regard to the measures taken by the Community; welcoming the total embargo ordered by the UN Security Council against Serbia and Montenegro which must be implemented and supported by the Community and all the Member States,

As regards the Yugoslavian Federation,

1.Expresses its solidarity with and support for all representatives of the Community, the UN and other international organizations working to achieve a peaceful solution to the conflict, in particular those grassroots movements in the various republics, which are opposed to war and are trying to maintain or re-instigate dialogue and inter-ethnic solidarity;

2.Considers that Yugoslavia has ceased to exist as a federation of six republics;

3.Believes that the rights and obligations of the former federation have devolved on the different republics;

4.Takes the view that the new Federation composed of Serbia and Montenegro cannot claim to take over all the international rights and duties of the former Yugoslavia;

5.Welcomes the United Nations Security Council resolution 757, which it believes represents the last hope for putting an end to the killing and war on the territory of former Yugoslavia by peaceful means; hopes that the total embargo including that on oil will have rapid results and calls on the republics of Serbia and Montenegro to recognize at last that the disastrous situation with which they are confronted as a result of their international isolation is the consequence of their misguided and unjustifiable policies to date;

6.Insists that all Member States should fully implement the embargo and expects all members of the United Nations to do all in their power to ensure the success of these measures;

7.Calls on the Commission and Council to examine as a matter of urgency the question of compensation for those Member States which are most adversely affected by the introduction of the embargo;

8.Considers that provision must be made for payments to make good damage in the areas hit by war;

9.Believes that all other assets and liabilities of the former federation and its organs as at 1 January 1992 must be divided among the six republics;

10.Believes that, if necessary, an arbitration committee, to be set up by the peace conference, must supervise the distribution of these assets and liabilities;

As regards recognition policy,

11.Considers that republics of the former Yugoslavian federation may be recognized as internationally independent only if they fulfil all the criteria and conditions laid down in the 'Declaration' by the Council of Ministers of 16 December 1991 and only if the preambles and provisions referring to territorial claims, thereby encouraging and justifying propaganda for such claims, are removed from their constitutions; considers that the European Community has a duty to uphold peace and stability on European territory;

12.Believes that the 'Guidelines on the Recognition of new States in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union' and the associated 'Declaration on Yugoslavia' have formed a just basis for policy on recognition;

13.Believes that recognition of the republics of Slovenia, Croatia and subsequently of other republics, which comply with the criteria laid down in the above-mentioned 'Guidelines' and 'Declaration', should be welcomed, and trusts that any remaining friction over these criteria will be removed in the context of the peace conference;

14.Considers that the EEC and the international community should demand full compliance with the 'Treaty Provisions', particularly as regards respect for the rights of the Albanian population of Kosovo and the Hungarian minority of Vojvodina before recognizing the new federal entity composed of Serbia and Montenegro;

15.Calls on European Political Cooperation to:

-exclude from future peace negotiations any recognition of the de facto situation of 'ethnic redistribution' imposed by the war,

-agree on and coordinate immediate steps to ensure that refugees fleeing from areas under attack, particularly those who are avoiding being drafted into armies, are adequately sheltered and given protection, including in the EC Member States;

16.Believes that recognition would immediately entail more binding obligations for the UN and the EEC in respect of military action against Bosnia and Croatia since such action would officially be deemed to be a violation of international law by a Federation in respect of two independent states;

17.Takes the view that the continuing oppression of the Albanian population of Kosovo is unacceptable and constitutes an obstacle to normal relations between Serbia and the Community;

As regards the rights of minorities,

18.Considers that the exploitation of ethnic conflicts for political ends must be opposed;

19.Calls for the displacement of population groups from Slavonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina to cease immediately;

20.Considers that practical steps must be taken to establish true democracies which make provision for human rights and minority rights, as laid down in the 'Treaty Provisions for the Convention' drawn up for the peace conference;

21.Believes that bringing constitutions into line with the 'Treaty Provisions' creates conditions conducive to such development and that guarantees must be provided in this way for a just solution for the Serbian population of Croatia, the Albanian speakers and other population groups in Yugoslavian Macedonia;

22.Takes the view that, in Bosnia-Herzegovina in particular, arrangements must be made to protect the rights of the various ethnic groups in line with the 'Treaty Provisions';

23.Is convinced that the establishment of majority dictatorships in the 'cantons' must be rejected;

24.Considers that measures must be taken to enable the population everywhere to return to their homes in peace;

25.Calls for recognition and restoration of the rights of the people of Kosovo, including the universal right of self-determination, followed by the granting, in accordance with the above-mentioned 'Treaty Provisions', of an appropriate degree of autonomy within the Serbian State, as this is the only way - apart from self-determination in the form of a secession - to satisfy the legitimate demands of the people;

26.Calls for an end to the intimidation of minorities in the province of Vojvodina and the restoration of its autonomy as provided for in the 'Treaty Provisions';

27.Considers that a court for minority rights, accepted by all republics, and in which the EC would participate in accordance with the proposals laid down in the 'Treaty Provisions', is a necessity;

28.Believes that free and diversified sources of news must be encouraged and that the Community must, if necessary, support initiatives to that end;

29.Takes the view that at least as much stress should be placed on the establishment of a democratic and pluralistic society - as a requirement for countries applying for EC membership and associated countries - as on the introduction of a social market economy;

As regards human rights

30.Demands that all parties to the conflict respect internationally recognized humanitarian principles and protect human rights; that complaints of torture and mistreatment of prisoners be investigated and the guilty parties brought to trial; that information be provided on missing persons arrested by the armed forces and that lawyers, doctors and relatives immediately be granted access to citizens who have been placed under arrest;

31.Calls for an EP delegation to be allowed to visit detention camps in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina to ascertain the real number of prisoners, monitor the conditions in which they are being held, request that the universal principle of exchanges of civilian prisoners be respected and ensure that any proceedings against military prisoners are carried out properly;

As regards borders

32.Considers that the borders within Yugoslav territory must be respected, as they are the historic and internationally recognized expression of administrative, political, ethnic, cultural and economic traditions, and considerations of to territorial integrity;

33.Is convinced that new, self-governing entities may be formed within the republics, where minorities can enjoy their specific rights, in accordance with the 'Treaty Provisions';

34.Is of the opinion that borders may be only be altered with the full and freely expressed authorization of the relevant authorities and peoples and, in view of the imbalance of power, following negotiations conducted under international supervision;

35.Considers that the imposition of ethnic homogeneity through intimidation and forced migration is to be utterly condemned;

36.Believes that ethnically mixed communities which maintain internal peace and cooperation deserve the highest respect of the international community and its full support;

37.Considers that the constitutions of the republics should have removed from them any suggestion that a republic has an administrative or political responsibility for persons of the same ethnic group who are citizens of other republics;

38.Believes that this rule should not be circumvented through the offer of 'dual nationality' (in the sense of citizenship) to persons of the same ethnic group who are citizens of another state;

39.Considers that all relevant provisions, as stipulated in paragraph 11, be deleted from the preamble and other sections of the constitution of the former federal republic known as 'Macedonia'; as for the name by which this former Yugoslav republic may be recognized internationally, believes that the conditions set by Greece are aimed at safeguarding peace, cooperation and stability throughout the region, and are therefore of crucial importance for the European Community; it is also necessary that the views of the sizeable Albanian-speaking minority in this former Yugoslav republic should be taken into account as far as possible;

40.Believes that recognition must, inter alia, contribute to an improvement in the domestic and international legal order;

As regards the armed forces

41.Calls for all federal army units to refrain from supporting Serb militias and from all forms of oppressive action in respect of the territories of the republics of the former Yugoslavia;

42.Calls for the disarmament and dissolution as a priority of the irregular militias;

43.Calls for the permanent demilitarization of ethnically mixed regions and the airspace and territorial waters of disputed coastal areas;

44.Calls for army units to comply with the instructions of the legitimate government of the republic where they are stationed, or to evacuate the republic in question forthwith;

45.Calls for all other troops and armed civilians to withdraw immediately to the republics from which they came;

46.Considers that the disappearance of federal Yugoslavia means that there is no longer any legal basis for the federal army nor, inter alia, any legal right to call up conscripts or reservists to serve in that army;

47.Takes the view that the federal army must be dissolved in an orderly fashion under UN supervision and taking into account the interests of those involved;

48.Believes that the Community should provide aid to retrain the military personnel concerned in non-military duties;

49.Considers that commanders who do not obey the orders of the legal authorities and who perpetrate crimes must be identified, as war crimes must not a priori go unpunished;

As regards observers and peace-keeping troops

50.Pays tribute to the efforts of the Community observers, who did what they could to achieve peace, often risking their own lives, and expresses its profound sympathy with the relatives of those who lost their lives in the process;

51.Considers that the presence of Community observers may help to foster a sense of security in regions threatened by tensions and that they therefore have a useful role to play both in regions which have been at war and elsewhere;

52.Is convinced that all combat areas must be accessible to Community observers, Red Cross personnel and UN forces;

53.Believes that the Community should express its appreciation of its observers through a symbolic gesture, as is the custom with peace-keeping operations carried out by UN personnel;

54.Considers that the deployment of UN peace-keeping troops in regions which have been at war is an important factor for peace and that, if necessary, UN marine units can also be deployed to ensure peace in the coastal region;

55.Takes the view that the EC and the UN should take firm action against those responsible for the military aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina, including sanctions;

56.Considers that, in view of the massacres of the civilian population and in the bombing of cities such as Sarajevo, Ragusa (Dubrovnik), Zara and Mostar with the intention also of destroying symbols of culture and historical treasures of great importance, it is right that the UN should have decided to take more restrictive measures;

57.Considers that UN peace-keeping troops must have access to adequate resources to guarantee their own safety and carry out any policing tasks which may be necessary;

58.Is convinced that the Community Member States have a fundamental responsibility in terms of financing and staffing to facilitate wider UN deployment in the former territory of Yugoslavia;

59.Considers that the Community must make provision, in close cooperation with the Member States, especially those bordering on Yugoslavia, and in agreement with the new republics of the former Yugoslavia, for special measures to tackle the emergency caused by the wave of hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the war zones;

As regards the regulation of relations between parties

60.Believes that the proposals laid down in the 'Treaty Provisions' form a sound basis for the regulation of common interests and responsibilities in the fields of the economy, internal trade, transport, the environment, the legal system, foreign policy and legislation;

61.Considers that the success of these negotiations depends on the degree of mutual trust and that the Community's role in this sphere is limited to encouragement, as the republics must be able to support any solutions made on the basis of their own conviction;

62.Feels that the Community must take steps to ensure that the interests of the various republics are catered for proportionately and equitably, and that the more the republics succeed in achieving this, the better their prospects of favourable relations with the Community;

63.Advocates that the Community conclude cooperation agreements with those republics which satisfy the 'Treaty Provisions' and which cooperate in the peace conference and the UN operation and considers that negotiations may now be initiated for a cooperation agreement with the Republic of Slovenia;

As regards ways in which the Community can bring its influence to bear

64.Considers that diplomatic instruments, and in particular the peace conference, are important for peaceful coexistence in the future, and that such instruments are more effective if Europe speaks with a single voice;

65.Believes that the Community observers are a visible symbol of the Community's interest in the republics of Yugoslavia;

66.Is convinced that the selective establishment of economic relations provides an incentive for cooperation with the peace conference and puts pressure on uncooperative republics;

67.Takes the view that the arms embargo must go hand in hand with efforts to restrict the domestic military industry, as the embargo will otherwise have a very one-sided impact; the military industry, particularly in Bosnia-Herzegovina, must be converted to civil production with financial and technical support from the Community;

68.Considers that selective economic boycotts, including an oil boycott, can be useful instruments for conveying strong disapproval and showing the population that its government is heading for disaster and must be forced to change its policy;

69.Hopes that the Community will continue to develop democratically controlled powers in the field of foreign policy and defence, to avoid constantly falling short of the expectations of peoples who, on the basis of its economic power and size, overestimate its power to prevent and resolve conflicts;

70.Hopes that the Community will develop methods to promote the convergence of foreign policy, as it has done with economic policy;

As regards reconstruction and aid

71.Hopes that dialogue between population groups will be encouraged, a process in which churches, political parties and social organizations in the six republics and the EC Member States can be involved;

72.Hopes that aid programmes will be instituted to assist the hard-pressed population of Bosnia-Herzegovina, make good damage in the areas hit by war, resuscitate the economy and re-establish or repatriate expelled population groups;

73.Believes that the Commission should draw up an economic aid programme to help overcome the enormous problems affecting Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina in particular as a result of the growing number of refugees and displaced persons;

o o o

74.Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, the governments of the six republics in the former territory of Yugoslavia and the Presidents of the Parliaments of Kosovo and the province of Vojvodina.