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- 15 ottobre 1998
Re: Appeal for indictment of Milosevic

From: "Julie Wornan"

To: "Olga Cechurova"

Date: Wed, 14 Oct 1998 23:15:

Dear Olga Cechurova,

Thanks for sending your Appeal ("We must overthrow the regime of Belgrade")

in French and English. Could you tell me approximately how many signatures

you have now, and what are your future plans for this Appeal?

The Kosovo Committee and some other French associations are also

circulating an appeal for the indictement of Milosevic (below). Our aim is

to get well-known people to sign it.

We were wondering if there's some way that our organizations could work

together. Perhaps we could submit both petitions to the Tribunal at the

Hague ... or organize a "trial" of Milosevic?

I'm looking forward eagerly to any suggestions you might have.

Regards,

Julie Wornan

(member of Comité Kosovo, Paris)

----------

INDICT MILOSEVIC, PRINCIPAL INSTIGATOR OF CRIMES AGAINST PEACE AND CRIMES

AGAINST HUMANITY COMMITTED IN YUGOSLAVIA SINCE 1991

The history of Europe, in this last decade of our century, has been

profoundly marked by the conflict in the former Yugoslavia (1991-1995), in

which crimes perpetrated against non-Serb civilian populations living in

areas marked for "purification" were defined by the UN Human Rights

Commission as genocide (May 1994). The wholesale destruction of cities,

villages and monuments belonging to humanity's common heritage, mass

expulsions, legislation institutionalising ethnic discrimination,

concentration camps, massacres, the systematic use of rape and extreme

cruelty against civilians, all reappeared in the annals of European

history.

The guns have been silent in Bosnia since the Dayton Accords of December

1995. However, an armed aggression against Kosovo was launched in March

1998. Villages were levelled, civilian populations massacred. The UNHCR

estimates that 80 000 people have been forced to flee their homes (as of

June 1998). Since 1989, Kosovo's ethnic Albanian population has been living

under a regime of legalized discrimination and fierce repression. Their

prospects are dismal. The Serbian authorities have publicly announced their

intention to "cleanse" Kosovo, in whole or in part, of its Albanian

population, who make up nine tenths of its inhabitants.

Experience shows us how difficult it is for the international community to

act. The interplay of alliances and the actions of our leaders at the

highest levels always seem to block any effective move to halt the

massacres.

With the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague,

international law took a great stride forward. But neither the fact of the

Tribunal's existence, nor its remarkable accomplishments, prevented 'ethnic

cleansing' from occurring in Kosovo just as it did in Bosnia. One day, the

Tribunal itself may be judged by history, and will have to explain why it

has spared the major militia leaders in Belgrade and the political leaders

of the Serbian régime. The implicit protection from which they have

benefited is at least partially responsible for the suffering and dying in

Kosovo today.

We, therefore, ask the Tribunal to investigate Milosevic's crimes against

peace, to officially indict him, and by so doing make him a political

pariah, an outlaw shunned by the community of nations.

Milosevic is not Serbia. His hold on power, which future historians will no

doubt describe as stemming from a series of disguised, subtle coup d'états,

is both illegitimate and based on the support of a minority. His party was

defeated in successive elections and denounced in mammoth demonstrations in

Belgrade in the autumn of 1996. It lost to the Montenegran opposition in

1997-1998. The Sandjak region, to a less obvious extent the province of

Voivodine, and most of all, the martyred region of Kosovo, all long to

break free of Milosevic's control. Throughout the new Yugoslavia, a desire

for independence results from the absence of democracy and the growing

economic, social and cultural catastrophe, which will remain Milosevic's

sole legacy to his countrymen.

If Milosevic is still hanging on to power, he owes it to the survival of

the old system's bureaucratic apparatus, an over-equipped police force, a

militia composed of murderers and mafiosi, and his stranglehold on the mass

media. His political survival also depends on the legitimacy accorded him

by international authorities when they choose to consider him as the

"strongman of Serbia".

His can lose that legitimacy without a single shot being fired. Accusing

him of crimes against humanity would help the democratic opposition

movements, save lives in Kosovo and render justice to all those who have

died and suffered through his fault. Placing the blame for the Balkan wars

squarely on his shoulders in the eyes of the world would also help fight

against a historical lie which does no honor to Serbia's tragic history.

For all of these reasons, we call upon the international authorities and

the International Criminal Tribunal to denounce, both legally and

politically, one of the worst political assassins that Europe has known

since Hitler and Stalin.

June 1998.

Committee Kosovo, Paris

Convergences-Citoyens pour la Bosnie, France

Coordination Paloise pour la Bosnie

Comité Sarajevo Citoyens-Citoyennes, Toulouse

Association Sarajevo, Paris

Name Address or City /Proffession or Title Signature

Contact:

Convergences, Place Louisendorf, 26150 Die.

Fax: 01 42 33 45 93 ou 04 75 22 27 80

email : julie@prointegra.fr

 
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