ABSTRACT: The Radical Party's situation starting with the financial and organisational factors. In the general report presented at the meeting of the Federal Council in Madrid on May 5-9, 1988, the Secretary and Treasurer indicate and analyse in detail the enormous political difficulties connected with the decision to transform the PR into a trans-national party.

Mr. President and dear comrades,

unfortunately I must open this report on a negative note which regards us all.

It will not be the only one, nor the most serious.

It relates to the condition in which we find ourselves with preparations which are not only far from being the best, but are in my opinion more unsatisfactory than those made for the Brussels meeting. And in this latter case it was our first meeting, held only one month before the party congress. The material sent to us is insufficient; the material did not arrive early enough and either not translated or translated into only one language. You have at your disposal a French translation thanks to the disinterested, precise and constant help of two of our comrades - Irene and Michel - whom we heartily and sincerely thank. These are lacks which inevitably weigh on the quality of this meeting, compromise its efficiency, keep us from doing our best and of fully utilising both the money and the effort it has cost us to meet, to see ourselves in a delicate and difficult situation. This lack was not due to ignorance or neglect or incapability but to objective difficulties that we were not able to overcome and w

hich, already in themselves, are indications of a more general organisational inadequacy with which we have seriously to occupy ourselves because of their deep implications - implications which are not technical, administrative or bureaucratic, but totally political ones.

Therefore I do not intend to get out of it by offering apologies except to the degree that these are due to you from sheer courtesy and personal relations.

It Is Necessary to Bring Out and Evaluate the Facts

What counts are the facts and the facts are inadequate and I believe, first of all, that they should not be hidden nor avoided, but brought out and evaluated. To point out the situation of the party starting from the financial and organisational factors is on this occasion the choice decided upon by the treasurer and myself after having discussed it with our comrades of the Secretariat. To that purpose we have sent out in advance the estimate and present here a combined report which in large part refers to that estimate.

A Combined Report of the Treasurer and First Secretary

We have also decided by mutual accord that it will be the comrades of the Secretariat, and in particular Emma, Giovanni and Francesco, who will explain everything that regards the initiative taken up and the activities performed in the last months.

Before going on I would like to offer here, in my name as well as yours, the most hearty and sincere greeting to Enzo Tortora.(1)

I know that all of us want to be closer to him than ever in this other moment of suffering; we all wish that with the strength, courage and will power that he has shown he possesses, he will succeed in overcoming these difficult moments too. I believe, however, that the more effectively and usefully we manage to work, the more help and comfort we will be able to offer him.

I will start with the presentation of some information and considerations:

- First of all I want to express my and our conviction that much work has been done in these last months - more than I would have thought possible - with uncommon commitment and dedication on the part of many comrades whom I want to thank here in the name of the Treasurer and all the members of the Secretariat as well;

- Then I want particularly to greet and thank Emma Bonino who, as you know, has left the European Parliament, where for many years she worked hard and profitably, often in very uncomfortable conditions. Having returned to Italy, Emma Bonino now is occupied with co-ordinating the activities of the party in and for the Mediterranean and African countries; Giovanni Negri, who has replaced Emma in the European Parliament and to whom particular thanks and a special greeting are due, is working from Brussels to co-ordinate party activities in Northern and Eastern Europe too; both of them have my and your most fervid good wishes.

The European Parliament Approves the "Declaration" on the "States-Genreal"

I must next emphasise with joy the significant step made in advancing the party's undertaking for the States-General of the European peoples (2) by the approving of the "declaration" relating to them by the European Parliament. In fact, a number of favourable votes has been obtained and deposited with the President of the Parliament's office which distinctly exceeds the required 50% plus one. With this action, according to the rules of the European Parliament the declaration has been approved and will be formally announced as such during the next session. Following upon this result, we have informed by a letter of mine the approximately 6,000 members of parliament of the twelve member countries of this result and have asked them to take an interest and action for approving an analogous resolution by their respective national parliaments as well. In that way the conditions can be created for having this proposal put on the agenda for the work of meeting of heads of state and government which will be held

at the end of June in Hannover, or at least to obtain a special meeting for the immediately following months. The Hannover deadline is thus evidently particularly important for a party that wants to be trans-national and which is also giving legislative form and substance to trans-national policies. Therefore we need to mobilise starting at once to be present in large numbers at Hannover. It is not a question this time of just one more demonstration of principle, but of pressing for and supporting one of our proposals which ought to be under discussion at that meeting.

The Unanimous Decision of the Federal Council at Brussels

Mr. President and all comrades,

Four months have elapsed since the Bologna Congress - one third of the Radical year of 1988 - and almost three months since the first meeting of the Federal Council that we held in Brussels.

On that occasion you voted unanimously for the recognition, first of all, of the decision taken in Bologna to want to be a trans-national party with the strength and capacity for a great political project directed at interpreting and expressing - ahead of all other political groups - the real needs of the populations, the people, the individuals, women and men of many countries, first among all those of the Mediterranean area and of EUrope, of a Europe that has not for us impassable boundaries imposed by the "Lord": it is the Europe of certain values, of laws and legality, the lay and democratic Europe and in it, in it alone, of progress. The Europe of "peoples" and not of "nations".

The "Rational Folly" of the Trans-National Choice

In confirming this decision, in affirming this consciousness, we were - you were - conscious of a choice not merely important, gripping and decisive for the party, but for this very reason extremely risky, uncertain in its outcome, and very, very difficult, perhaps improbable, but in any case not impossible to make succeed: it was a "rational folly" as some of our comrades liked calling it. It was a choice that, like all of our choices, involved "the others too", but which had to count above all on our own convictions, our capacity to act, but also and primarily to understand and bear up. We must count on our intelligence and our readiness even more than on our decision.

At Brussels the Federal Council of the Radical Party thus did not limit itself to affirming the trans-national choice and making explicit the force and capacity of the project behind it, but it also confronted the question of how to start the concrete action of realising it by studying and approving the programme of activities for the current year detailed in the report. This programme as is well known, was articulated and developed on a priority basis that was established within the range of six issues included in the congressional motion.

The Priority of the <> of <>

This priority puts in first place on the programme the issue of the United States of Europe and, for this question, the objective of the States-General of the European peoples. Besides this theme and following it the programme foresees the question of anti-totalitarianism and human rights. With these priorities, and without wanting to slight the other four issues of the congressional motion, we have agreed that for the current year, our commitment and that of the members, associations, and the party organs must be subordinated to following the programme and actions relating to the first two themes.

This decision took into account primarily the recognised importance of these two subjects in starting off and promoting the development of the party's trans-nationalisation, of the time limits imposed and of the dedication demanded above all for pursuing the objective of the States-General of the European peoples and, last but not least, there was the desire of thus taking into account of the difficulties to be overcome and the limits of our resources.

The Time Elapsed Has Affected Our <>

It is a good idea, however, to observe that precisely in the moment when we can announce with great satisfaction the decision of the European Parliament, that the time taken in attaining this result - exactly the time between Brussels and now - has involved a holding back of party action which, while not decisive, has to some degree influenced our behaviour and so our general situation.

In examining this situation, we refer to the two documents that have been sent to you - unfortunately only in Italian: the bill-book and the estimate of costs and income.

The bill-book - this is the term used by the Secretariat for the first of the two documents. It is a working paper which I asked Danilo Quinto to prepare based on the notes taken during the meeting: nothing more than a memorandum on how the activities in the programme are proceeding.

This is not an organic and complete document, verified and controlled. But we maintain that it furnishes a meaningful picture of the work as it was gradually organised and performed, with its interruptions, modifications and new starts - if and when they occurred. It is a contribution to a greater understanding of how the party's operations are going.

The estimate - with regard to the costs - quantifies the sums that the party will have to sustain for the maintenance and functioning of its present structure and to assure the necessary services. It also quantifies the costs for pursuing the activities listed in the bill-book. The document furnishes, item by item, quantitative and qualitative elements which succinctly clarify the nature, terms, conditions and limits of the expenses foreseen. With regard to income, the estimate considers only the the items of direct pertinence to the party, and with regard to the items related to the memberships and contributions, the sums already budgeted. We want to attempt a first examination of the party's general elements on the basis of the aforesaid elements - that would be a first translation into figures of the programme approved in Brussels complete by the prospects concerning the progress of the membership drive, which prospects we have handed out to you here in Madrid.

Our activity is political, or better it is "politics itself", and so to study it from the primarily numerical viewpoint may appear to be too technical an approach, too bureaucratic, too "unpolitical" - and certainly it is boring.

This may be risky, but we consider it preferable and more useful to run this risk than - in order to "be political" - entrust ourselves to considerations and evaluations which in reality might turn out to be distracting and elusive, substantially covering up the real situation, or - contrarily - destructive "shrieks" of renunciation, substantially "abandoning" our projects prematurely.

THE FIGURES: AN ALARM SIGNAL

We cannot, must not, hide from ourselves the fact that the figures at our disposal are in themselves a signal of alarm and excite immediate concern quite apart from all other considerations.

MEMBERSHIP

The most striking thing is the number of members: as of April 26 there were 3,866 of which 1,276 were registered after the end of the congress, and, correspondingly the members not residing in Italy were 381 in toto, and only 97 took out membership after January 7. The progress of membership does not appear to be improving: in 24 days in January we had 300 new members, 447 in February, 316 in March and 213 in the first 26 days of April.

"WHAT TODAY IS THE PARTY THAT EMERGES FROM THESE FIGURES?"

An immediate question arises from these figures: "What today is the party that emerges from these figures?"

From the figures, from the numbers, one can deduce an answer which is disappointing but clear: a party that at the beginning of 1989 will be able to count at the most on 6,000 members of which no more than 1,000 will be non-Italian residents with a self-financing capacity of not more than a billion and a half [lire]. During the summer months in Italy the new inscriptions have always dropped sharply. Consequently it would not be reasonable - on the basis of the present figures - to count on obtaining more than 2,000 members in Italy from now until the beginning of the next congress and, considering the commitment in progress, one can estimate another 700 new members in other countries.

Assuming that the average membership dues remains what is has so far been (an optimistic hypothesis since in this figure is included the members not residing in Italy and the members expected are from countries where the dues are lower), one should add at most another 450 million lire to the 255 million already taken in. We can also take into account 400 million put into the estimate as coming from the previous year - a figure which corresponds to the sum coming from the memberships registered before January 7 - and of the 80 million taken in at the Bologna Congress. Furthermore we can foresee 100 million in contributions from now until the Congress and another 50 million during the Congress (with the risk of making an excessive calculation in this case too, because the next Congress is expected to take place outside of Italy).

This totals up to 1,335 million. To reach a billion and a half there are still 165 million missing which must be provided by self-financing from the principal actions on the programme (the conference on [drug] prohibition, the initiative for Eastern Europe, Kaunda's visit).

THE 800 MILLION DUE TO THE RECOMPENSE OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT

At this point one must ask if the party's self-financing must take into account the 800 million too which has been included in the estimate as income owing to the recompense of the members of parliament. This, in our opinion, is a question which can contribute, more and better than some others, important elements to a first reply to the question we have asked about the party.

Without any doubt this is money that the members of parliament elected on the party list offer as their contribution. But aside from the specific motivations of undoubted significance and value that induce the members of parliament to make these contributions, what is it that makes them first of all possible and - if we are allowed to ask - also a moral obligation, if not the fact of being in Parliament, in the institutions, elected on the Radical list and, hence, the amount, the relevance of the sums received, but above all, the organisational relationship, the service, that unites them to the party?

If this is how it is, and we consider it correct to insert these sums in the party budget as an item of self-financing, we must also ask ourselves if this is the only item besides membership dues and contributions made directly to the party by members or by third parties which contributes substantial amounts to the party's capacity for financial and operational independence by virtue of this relationship.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PRESENCE IN THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE PARTY

With these presuppositions it seems evident to us that such are all the things that being in Parliament, in the institutions - money or services - allow the party to be active and to function starting from what the members of Parliament registered in the party keep or use for their own needs. In other words, the relationship that has established itself in these years between Parliamentary groups, presence in the institutions and in the party demands that we reflect on what the "party" is today, what are its resources (men, means, and money), its potential, its total "value". In this case too, the figures, the numbers can help us set boundaries and understand, if nothing else, the dimensions.

The members of Parliament and the parliamentary groups in the Chamber, the Senate and the European Parliament receive a total of 5 billion 300 million between parliamentary salaries (including taxes), contributions for the functioning of the groups, wages for assigned personnel, travelling and telephone expenses: 2 billion 900 million from the Chamber of Deputies, one billion from the Senate, one billion 400 million from the European Parliament. Of this figure 800 million are contributed to the party by the members of Parliament.

PUBLIC FINANCING AND RADICAL RADIO

For a more complete picture of the present "value" of the party, we cannot ignore two other factors: public financing and Radical Radio.

The "value" of the radio station in financial terms is established by what it costs: four billion and 800 million; Radical Radio, however, today contributes only three billion 500 million to the total "value" of the party (two billion in virtue of the publishing law and one billion 500 billion of its own income) since it receives as of now one billion of public financing. This financing, in turn, amounts to three billion 200 million.

THE TOTAL PRESENT "VALUE" OF THE PARTY

Taking into account the possibility of obtaining - as has been said - one billion 500 million of "direct" self-financing, the total of these figures comes to a total present "value" of the party equal to 13 billion 500 million of which only three billion (1.5 billion of "direct" self-financing and 1.5 billion of Radical Radio income) are not due, directly or indirectly, to the party's participation in the institutions.

THE HUMAN RESOURCES

The "value" picture, the total potential of the party takes on a more precise and definite form if one also considers the total human resources within its ranks of which the party makes use directly or indirectly by means of the parliamentary groups, Radical Radio and the other activities connected with it.

129 PEOPLE WORK FOR THE PARTY AND ARE PAID BY IT

These are 129 people who, in different ways and with different qualifications, work for the party and are paid, but whose relationship - in general - has a particular character inasmuch as it is mostly due to their own and the party's choices which, even if in manner and degree much different from each other, are connected to interests and commitments of militance or, in any case, of politics. In fact, excluded from this number are the technicians who Radical Radio has hired with a normal work contract strictly on the basis of their professional criteria because of the special nature of their jobs.

Working directly in the party are 38 of these people: 18 are members of Parliament, 24 people engaged in the work of the parliamentary groups, 35 at Radical Radio, 11 work in the "listening centre" for the control of Italian radio and tv broadcasts, and 3 in the IRDISP - Istituto di ricerca per il disarmo e lo sviluppo della pace [Research Institute for Disarmament and the Development of Peace]- which gets contributions from the party and the parliamentary groups.

Of the 23 components of the "Secretariat" (president, first secretary, treasurer, 5 vice first secretaries, 2 group heads, 11 federal secretaries, vice treasurer, heads of co-ordinating activities) only 11 are among the 38 who directly weigh on the party budget since 8 are members of Parliament, 3 do not receive payment, and 1 is paid by the European Parliament.

From the estimate we have delivered to you one can deduce in sufficiently clear and precise terms the duties and the tasks as well as the amount and nature of the sums paid to the 38 people who work directly in the party. For those working in the parliamentary groups and the radio, an additional short note is available.

THE "ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE" DIVIDED INTO FOUR "LEVELS"

From what has been indicated so far there emerges a considerable global potential for the party supported by its own "organisational structure" divided into four "levels": the first one includes the president, the first secretary and the treasurer, the first assistant vice secretaries and the members of Parliament, and the amount paid to each of them is the highest paid to anyone: 2 million 850,000 lire monthly for twelve months a year. The second level is composed of the federal secretary, the vice treasurer, by the head of the co-ordinating activities and by three of four other people with equivalent capacities; the sums they receive vary from 1,900,000 lire to 1,600,000 lire net for 12 months a year. The third level is composed of people collaborating in various capacities differing from each other who receive sums varying between 1,500,000 and 1,100,000 lire. The fourth level regards people with prevalently executive tasks and the salaries they receive vary from 1,000,000 to 600,000 lire and that al

so in function of the duration of their commitments.

More than 70% of these people are concentrated in the third and fourth levels. As a comparative element it is worth remembering that in Italy the absolute contractual minimum for the director of a company is 4,000,000 gross monthly equal to 2,800,000 net (these sums, like the following ones, relate to the annual salary divided by twelve to make the comparison homogeneous). The minimum union scale contract for a teacher who is head of a department or an intermediate level, is about 1,800,000 lire, that of a caretaker is 1,450,000 and that of a shop boy or a lowest level worker (at which level he remains for only two months) is 1,200,000 lire.

THE TOTAL INCIDENCE OF THE SUMS PAID OUT

The total incidence, equal to about 30% of the total value of the expenditures paid out to all these people, come to 4 billion (including the taxes which for the members of parliament alone come to one billion).

The present situation of the Radical Party is, finally, much more consistent, articulated and complex than would appear from a study of the "party alone as such".

SOME CONSIDERATIONS OF A MORE GENERAL ORDER

After the elements furnished up to now concerning the total "value" of the party, its true financial potential and human resources, and its structural set-up emerging from this new dimension - factors obtained essentially from the analysis of figures and numbers - we believe we should add some pertinent considerations of a more general order deriving in part to experiences in recent months.

THE FINANCIAL SET-UP

The first consideration regards the financial set-up that supports the Radical Party in its totality: the Radical Party is a reality that does not and in its present state cannot do without its presence in the institutions. This observation does however not only regard the financial aspect but also the party's position in the Italian scene.

Above all the members, for whom the party's presence in the institutions today constitutes a factor which in more or less conscious and evident terms influences their attitude and behaviour. The institutional aspect, furthermore, is a part and remains a part of the judgement, the evaluation of the party by the public.

THE "BURDEN" OF THE PEOPLE THAT WORK FOR THE PARTY

The second consideration regards the global number of people working for the party. This is a homogenous group, a "structure" which while inadequate to the party's needs - widely if seen in perspective - "weighs" on both the financial and functional - organisational levels, even if the salaries can certainly not be judged excessive but on the contrary less than modest. The aspect to be kept in mind and evaluated is that they are nevertheless "salaries".

THE DIRECTING ROLE OF THE FIRST SECRETARY

The third consideration regards the directing role of the first secretary which, seen from this standpoint, is evidently less "central" and "exclusive" than his formal placement in "the party as such" indicates. In fact, the directing function in the party is not so much subdivided as splintered. This makes it very difficult, almost impossible - on the one hand - to attribute responsibility and - on the other - to take it on with a minimum of continuity. But this is a de facto situation which is unavoidable in that it is a direct consequence of the effective motivating centre of the party being not extraneous to but outside the structure. The directing function, thus splintered, is obliged to be "self-governing" and thus little disposed to co-ordination from the "inside". It is more ready to accept single solicitations and stimuluses or individual points of direction.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE INSTITUTIONAL FACTOR

In the fourth place, in its totality the structure submits de facto to the preeminent institutional factor for both the often decisive contribution that factor has made - for many years - to the development of Radical affairs, as well as for the inevitable influences it has on its personal identity.

<> INFLUENCES

The fifth consideration is due to the permanence in the structure of a large number of the same people for a long time and on all levels which has produced a certain degree of "conservative influence" which are evidenced - in part - precisely in the creation and consolidation of several levels. It is a correct observation however that these influences have not yet induced bureaucratic attitudes and behavior except for minor aspects and in small measure.

THE ORGANISATION IS ALREADY TOO <>

There is therefore a tendency to obtain recognition of one's own role which can on the one hand produce a rigidness in the structure, but on the other hand is a manifestation of real needs: the organisation as it now is, is already too "complex and layered" to be "self-governing". It needs a structure, however limited, that is recognised and recogniseable with a minimum of explicit rules that allow it to be governed and not only managed.

THE PARTY IS NOT PREPARED TO <>

The sixth consideration is that the party, even in its present, more complex condition, is an organisation made for operating, acting, to aggregate and involve "others", at particular moments and towards prevalently single, well-defined goals. It is not - as an organisation - prepared to "reflect, predispose, plan". This is probably the characteristic which puts it today in the greatest difficulty in the face of a moment, a phase which is not to be overcome by "thrust", if it assumes the character of a "transition", or even more, of a "conversion".

AN INEVITABLE EXHAUSTION

The seventh and last consideration: years and years of intensive activity, continual and stressful, in the midst of difficulties often felt to be "insuperable", even if then overcome and resolved, without ever reaching a degree of stability and certainty (unless acquired in the sphere of its own "particularity"), have caused an inevitable "exhaustion" which - furthermore in absence of sufficient and adequate replacement - has induced weariness and a deep need of a halt, if not of an interruption.

IS IT WE WHO HAVE CHANGED OR THE CONDITIONS?

This last consideration leads to a further question: after more than a decade is it we who have changed or the conditions around us? Those conditions, that would be, which allowed us to be what we were? The "others", those who have not changed, are they perhaps not here among us any more, have they not come?

Let us return to more immediate and direct questions.

We have seen that the party, globally, is "worth" 13 billion 500 million a year.

WHAT ARE THE TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR 1988?

What activities does the party spend this money on? What is, in other words, the total expenditure?

First of all for 1988 there is only 13 billion available since we have already used the public financing for 1988 in 1987. This year too we will have to ask for bank loans to advance us the public financing money for 1989 which means 500 million less really available.

HOW IS THIS EXPENDITURE DIVIDED UP?

On the other hand, the total expenses for 1988 has been foreseen and divided up thus:

- directly, for the party, 4 billion and 750 million, including the one billion it will cost us in 1988 to purchase the new Rome headquarters;

- for Radical Radio 4 billion and 800 million having to take into account the 300 million in telephone and electricity charges covered by exemptions;

- 3 billion 650 million for the Parliamentary groups;

- 200 million for the Listening Centre and IRDISP.

This totals 1 billion 400 million.

Thus we are short only 400 million.

WHY THE TOTAL DEFICIT IS LESS THAN THE ONE IN THE "ESTIMATE"

This total deficit is much more contained than the 2 billion 200 million stated in the estimate we have had distributed to you regarding only the expenses of the party "as such".

The reduction of the deficit is due to:

- the increase of 767 million in income up to now calculated for memberships and contributions, an increase based on the considerations presented at the beginning of this report;

- the hypothesis of using 500 million of public financing and 500 million available from the Parliamentary groups.

This is a conclusion based on an "optimal" result and only possible if our interpretation is accepted regarding the total "value" of the party and consequently the hypothesis of an integrated use of the resources coming from both direct self-financing as well as those due to our presence in the institutions. To be more clear and explicit: if one accepts in particular for the party "as such" the use of public financing too.

THE EXPENSES ACCORDING TO THE "ESTIMATE": THE CONGRESS

We now come to several aspects of this year's expenses according to the "estimate" you have in hand.

The 1989 Congress: the expenses represent on both the financial and organisational level a commitment of such proportions as has no precedent in our past. The sum of the expenses alone - 400 million - is equal to the entire expenses of the Radical Party in 1978. We cannot, we must not run the same risk with the Congress that we are running with these federal councils organised in such an inadequate way as possibly to annul the political value which induces us to meet in other countries than Italy. This is only one example of the organisational capacity we lack and which we must acquire.

THE TREASURY

This example brings us straight to one of the most serious lacks: the Treasury.

The Treasurer, as you can see from the documents, is not only responsible for the policies and organisation for obtaining financial resources, but also that of predisposing and ensuring the "services" and, this year, the relations with the members too, as well as with the associations in Italy. It is an enormous organisational task in regard to which the party's structural resources are not so much inadequate as laughable. For example, the expenses sustained for the management and administration of financial resources, which total 13 billion, allocated in several separate centres (including Brussels), amount to a mere 150 million and disposes of the services of only five collaborators and one outside consultant.

Among other things we use extremely elementary accounting systems such as to make impossible reliable analyses and effective controls.

With Paolo Vigevano and Maurizio Turco - the one still occupied with heading Radical Radio (where we have not been and are not capable of arranging for a valid replacement), and the other also burdened with the signature campaign for the States-General of European Peoples - and with only four other people, however capable they may be, it is unthinkable and would not be credible to imagine that these fundamental lacks could be faced, resolved and overcome.

THE HEADQUARTERS

The party's activities are carried on in various headquarters separated from each other (the party, the parliamentary groups, Radical Radio), and an already burdensome splintering has today been made heavier by the need of relations with Brussels and the other countries and the locating of the Secretariat and the Treasury in separate headquarters.

The acquisition of the new headquarters in Rome ought to ease this situation which is furthermore a source of greater costs and even less effective controls.

As far as Brussels is concerned, there are serious problems, not so much because the party and the parliamentary group share premises which, on the contrary, for now ensures economical opportunities to share services as well as for the small number of people employed by the party.

These people only barely manage to produce the French language edition of <>, a part of the translations and to manage the present mailing lists.

It is also necessary to ensure in this office at least an independent capacity to work for the trans-national party, to do writing of its own, to follow the activities of the European Parliament and its members, and to ensure contact with the press and the other information organs.

This question of the headquarters is and remains a source of constant concern and work due to the objective difficulties of discovering, first of all, and then implementing the most suitable solutions.

INFORMATION

Writing is certainly one of the most important means at the disposal of the party on the road to trans-nationalism.

Also with regard to this the human resources are even less sufficient than the economic ones.

With great effort we have managed happily to produce <> which, appearing biweekly, is a first attempt at offering succinct information to members: it is an experiment in addition to the other things that have so far been produced.

For the review on the other hand we are still at the point of good intentions, the search for the possible financing indispensable to ensure the publication, distribution, and continuity of a publication adequate in appearance, tone and contents.

Nevertheless the most consistent difficulties in this area are:

- the need to dispose of an organised collection - an archive - of material which the party has produced in the past and from which can be extracted monographs and other material suitable to producing an initial, effective base of information;

- the constitution of a translation centre of adequate speed and quality for dealing with at least the 5,000 files foreseen. For this purpose it is also necessary to employ party militants, otherwise the party will not be able to sustain the costs. This is a problem and a responsibility that must be confronted and resolved primarily politically.

- the distribution of written material is the most difficult problem, and at the moment insurmountable: during many years of activity in Italy, the party has collected, selected and up-dated millions of addresses, and today has at its disposal a "useful" mailing list of 600,000 names; the collection of addresses in other countries has up to now furnished 70,000 names of which, however, only 4,500 are "useful". The question of getting addresses is furthermore strictly connected to political initiatives and - in itself - is an essentially political objective today.

THE PARTY'S ACTIVITIES

The activities: it is a question of expenditures which will be particularly dealt with in the reports by Emma, Giovanni and Francesco: Francesco with reference in particular to the party's activities in Italy; Emma and Giovanni with regard to other countries.

THE TRANS-NATIONAL ACTIVITIES

It is however opportune in this place to state first that the trans-national commitment foreseen this year occupies 38% of the total expenses provided for in the "estimate", an amount that is composed of 28% of the structural, operating and service costs, and for a good 77% of the expenses relating to activities alone. This incidence notwithstanding, the commitment for activities in other countries is insufficient, also taking into account the results thus far obtained.

ITALY'S INTERVENTION IN OTHER COUNTRIES

A problem presents itself: to what degree and in what way should there be direct intervention from Italy to promote, start up and support activities in other countries, especially in those where the number of members is reasonably large; the aspect requiring the most reflection is that of the number of Italian comrades to be present on the spot and for how long.

It is a kind of delicate intervention, more delicate even than burdensome, and we cannot help but express great perplexity about it. There is no question but that the first steps will depend in each and every way on the Italian contribution in the great majority of cases, but the follow-up involves a more complex and articulated action, incisive as well as co-ordinated.

Even without wanting to go into the question here of the tenability of such a burden (besides the costs, there are not sufficient and adequate human resources in Italy to deal with the possible needs), it is our conviction that the solution to peculiar aspects of the individual situations, both specific and general, must consider the impossibility of facing and solving them without the involvement and direct responsibility of the comrades residing in those countries.

The need for reflection also concerns the organisational model to propose, and that alongside the formal and juridical implications brought up by the comrades in several countries (Spain and Portugal) on the nature of the party's being trans-national and its repercussions on the relationship with the national ambience. A detailed study is being made in this regard. (Mario De Stefano will report on this aspect.)

ACTIVITIES IN ITALY AND THE SIGNATURE CAMPAIGN

With regard to the activities of the party in Italy we must emphasise the difficulties that the campaign for signatures will encounter with regard to both the popular-initiative bill undertaken in accordance with the European Federalist Movement - and we emphasise with great satisfaction their concrete commitment and valuable collaboration - as well as to the petitions in favour of the States-General of the European peoples. These are difficulties that in part were neither foreseen nor foreseeable. And, in fact, this is a field in which the party in Italy has always shown an especially great capacity for fighting and mobilisation to the point of its becoming their exclusive trademark. This situation poses the question - on the part of some - if the reply of our comrades and militants, until now inadequate, is not connected to the goals and the political project rather than to the programme.

Others observe that it is the general Italian political situation that prevents a more immediate perception of the party's initiatives with topicality, the force and the planning capacity of the objectives we have set ourselves.

Still others, while not putting into question the objectives and the project, feel there is a lack of incisiveness and immediacy. According to them to identify and state the content in more precise and direct terms in a way to make people feel the party's "revolutionary" identity.

Nothing prohibits taking up this problem too, but it is not our competence since we must use all our resources pursue the objectives and the programme approved.

The Federal Council can change them. If it wants to it has the formal power to do so.

THE PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS AND THE FORMIA SEMINAR

Still in reference to the situation of the party in Italy, there are two factors to be considered: the relationship with the parliamentary groups, with that of the Chamber of Deputies in

particular, and with Radical Radio. Other comrades of the Secretariat, Francesco and also Paolo too, will speak of both.

We have already spoken of our presence in the institutions in general when we dealt with the global "value" of the party. At Formia in March there was held the Seminar of the Groups, but given the present government crisis it was not felt possible to resolve there the question of the presidency of the Chamber group. The way in which this situation has been protracted has constituted an indubitably serious obstacle along the road to setting up the Secretariat in a clearer and more definite way - a set up which furthermore is unresolved and unresolvable with regard to my original scheme for reasons of a more general character mentioned when we spoke of the party in its entirety.

THE RADIO

A single consideration with regard to Radical Radio: it is a medium of exceptional value and despite the fact that the party cannot sustain its cost (4 billion 800 million lire). We ought not to lose sight of the fact that the RAI [Italian state radio/TV, ed.] spends over 300 billion for three radio networks that only 28% of the population can receive. Certainly the radio today has great lacks on both the technical and content levels. It is particularly inadequate in regard to a party that has and does ask of it the impossible. And there have been moments and circumstances in which the radio has succeeded in doing it.

I personally concern myself with one problem that has so far been unresolved: to allow Paolo Vigevano to be exclusively the treasurer of this party.

THE AVAILABILITY OF FINANCES: THE CRUCIAL POINT IS THE SUMMER MONTHS

An examination of the budget "estimate" and the amount - the total amount too - of debits and credits and the relative money shortages, has not highlighted how the availability of our financing is going. In this regard there is a seriously critical moment which comes at the most difficult time for the party's activities: the summer.

This year the flow of funds is affected, aside from objective reasons, by the shifting of the "Radical year" from November to January. This has caused a significant delay in preparing and initiating activities in Italy with negative repercussions on the two most favourable months for political action (April and May).

The shifting of the "Radical year" also produces another consequence that could be negative: with the year that began in November, the start of the membership campaign also made use of the period when people had most money to spend with positive results that always were in evidence. This period will now coincide with the end of the year, and if it is true that the imminence of the congress can be a favourable factor (but already used this year by the early membership dues in 1987 for 1988), it is not sure that it will be a post-congress factor when people have spent most of what they had in December. But we must accentuate our commitment during these and coming days to solicit, promote, and obtain in the short available time still remaining that greater income which, independently of the forecasts and the financial and economic accounting, will help the party to avoid three months from now not being able to provide for its daily necessities, including the next Federal Council.

Mr. President and comrades,

We are aware of having communicated to you, of having hit you with a combination of elements, of problems and questions that are very heavy and not very exhilarating. As we said at oath start, we could have omitted doing it: the enemy is at the door, but he has not yet entered.

We considered it to be our job and we have done it in a not very brilliant way, on the contrary in a heavy and at times even pedantic way, but we have done it in the clearest, most explicit and complete way possible.

We here in this meeting are not the ones who want to and who ought to draw conclusions and offer suggestions. It is our job to reiterate the convictions and the determination to pursue and try to gain that little probability of success that still nourishes and supports your or our hopes. This too is a task that the decision of the congress imposes on us, the decision that you made in Brussels.

THE TASK OF THE COUNCIL

Nevertheless we must keep in mind that you too have a task and a responsibility.

You are an organ of the party with a precise autonomy of your own and with your prerogatives. Above all you must express your opinions, you judgement, on the ways in which to actuate the decisions of the congress. You can, on the basis of your evaluations of the political situation, of the party, make proposals and decisions, even binding ones if you like.

So here we must, among ourselves, begin a dialogue and a confrontation that manages to illuminate, to define a rough and tortuous road, full of traps and of uncertainties too, as bad as the party has ever tried to undertake.

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It is necessary, indispensable, that everyone is able to bear up under his own role. Yours, that of the Federal Council, has never been so important: in this affair it could be decisive. The situation we experienced in Bologna, the result of the Congress, are still there to remind us of it. As far as we are concerned, as far as I am concerned, we do not want and I certainly do not want to evade our responsibilities. Let us hope that we will be up to it.

Today I have no certainties, except possibly one: to have given up to now, in recent months, everything I had it in me to give. More you cannot ask of me.

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TRANSLATOR'S NOTES

1) Enzo Tortora - A popular TV master of ceremonies accused of Mafia involvement whose cause was taken up by the Radicals and who was finally acquitted.

2) States-General - General Assembly of Representatives of the European Peoples, a term coming from the culture of pre-revolutionary France.