ABSTRACT: Marco Pannella, president of the FC, summons the Federal Council for Rome from september 1st till 5th and asks the councillors to reflect on the issues which are then to be discussed.

Dear Colleagues,

1) There is no party in the world, I believe, which has publicly discussed, as ours has, in the same way State or a commercial enterprises do, the problem of budget, resources, expenditures, homogeneity or the pertinence of the methods and means used to obtain stated aims, the absolute transparency of management, which are prerequisite conditions for democratic self-government and governing of institutions, successes and prefiguration of that "new possible" which alone can fully justify the autonomous existence of an autonomous and singular political force.

This particularity is so pronounced, so particular as it were, that today's mass media, the expression and maker of the dominant traditional culture, is incapable of transmitting it, publicizing, evaluating, criticizing or accepting it--which is, in any case, what is happening more and more in most of the democratic world's "real democracies", also as regards public, national budgets as well those of the large private companies, particularly the multi-national ones.

2) There is no party in the world, I believe, which has chosen

to assume or possesses the same transnational, transparty

characteristics, or that deliberate extraneousness--which is the

result of an objective "seizing of power"--or which actually

hypothesizes and postulates for its members not only the right but in some ways even the duty to belong also to other political

associations.

This other particularity responds to urgent requirements, the obviousness of which is glaring. In fact, it is inconceivable that anyone is unaware that new, effective institutions and policies--in the face of the problems of today's society--must be transnational, in relation to the existing States, and transparty, as regards national parties and ideologies, as it is also impossible to be unaware of the serious delay in this context or the danger of the major existing economic, criminal, multinational and transnational powers becoming progressively also the only true holders of political power.

3) There is no other party in the world, I believe, which has

chosen or has already begun to put into practice political non-

violence (Gandhi's non-violence, but at the same time laic and

humanistic), as a necessary, consistent development of a legal

system based on tolerance, political democracy, the state of right and civil, political and individual rights, one which does not banish individual rights beyond the confines of political

pertinence or political morality ("values" "religious", "morals").

Historically, the diversity of the "radical body", as

characterized by the stratification of its various struggles and

successes, represents the only reasonable and conscious experience, the only logical evolution of new segments in theory of social, political, non-violent and laic, neo-humanistic procedure.

Non-violence as a form of dialogue, of a deliberate choice to "love" in the sphere of political confrontation, first of all as regards the person incarnating or representing power--i.e., a

physical entity, but a juridical one as well, in order to recuperate the full human, individual essence of the "adversary",

which implies new and clear rules. Among these, the first is that, at no time, and in no case, must the "extreme" weapons of non-violence--fasting, hunger strikes, and so forth--be the result of desperation and not hope, lack of faith and not faith, but must be founded upon the defense and the recuperation of what the "adversary"--most prominently, "power"--should be committed, to, incontestably obliged, juridically recognized, and manifestly

intent on accomplishing. Non-violence is a strong, and in a

certain sense, absolutely "aggressive" form of opposition to

violence (which can also consist of the failure to fulfill

obligations), and certainly a "dramatic" one against the tragic

dual concept of "inertia-violence". The nonviolence which we have practiced and experienced is the defense and creation of rights, laws and obligations.

On the other hand, many forms of "non-violent" struggle are

nothing more than blackmail; violence perpetrated against the

conscience of others, the extreme violent and mortal act, on the

part of whose who no longer have the substance to fling into the

death-salvation struggle, as they no longer are able to fling off

that of the "enemy".

In a "real democracy", the notion of power, of political

struggle, is of "Jacobin" origin and nature, even if ideological

and historical anti-Leninism ensure the semblance of "democracy".

Non-violence is the weapon of the defenseless, of the poor,

of the individual who has, or who cannot place at stake, anything

more than his faith and "love"--as values and political means.

The strength of non-violent action lies in its humility, in its

reasonableness, its ability to "convince", that is in "winning"

with the other and not in defeating him, in winning over the other to a certain way of thinking.

There is no party in the world, and I repeat this, that has

so completely assault violent situations, or which has, for two

decades at least, held to that same sort of unwavering choice which led the students of Peking to raise as their ensigns the American "Statue of Liberty" and the non-violence of Gandhi--or, which has succeeded, ever-increasingly as ours has, in practicing that love, and demonstrating the superiority of its choice.

4) There is no other party in the world, I believe, which

has systematically and effectively, and often with considerable

success, in Italy (but not only there), defended the right to be

different, to be "diverse", as to ideals, behaviour, culture,

history, religion, morality, sexuality, pathological condition,

consistent with the laic conviction that, although there may exist perversions, no individual should be labelled perverted; there are only those who are different. And this is also true, and must be so, for the most "perverse"--those who use power as violence, and consider themselves exempt from any obligation to respect, as we all must, the laws.

There is no other party in the world which was founded upon

and continues to uphold, through its written bylaws and by its

statute, the full liberty and responsibility of its members and the insistence of their right to oppose and dissent, or to opt for choices contrary to existent civil and political practice. There is no other party in the world, and of this I am certain, which holds that its own members are exempt from submission to any discipline, or maintains that anyone must be able, without any authorization or approval, to join it, acquiring full statutory rights, by the simple acquisition of a membership card--in the same way that one would acquire a ticket to use public transportation or private transport, or any other service.

Such a party exists and has existed for three decades now, and has witnessed the realization of the most extraordinary, unique rapport between members and achievement, between costs and returns, between the and quantity and the quality of its members and those of the members of other known parties. With some few hundred members, subsequently with a maximum of three thousand, the Radical Party has been in Italy without question the most "legislating", party, as well as the most cohesive one as regards specific objectives, without ever having held a single institutional or social position of power at any level, either local or national, as compared to parties the memberships of which number in the hundreds of thousands or even millions, and which dispose of institutional and social powers.

This party, according to its own adversaries, has been

responsible for the survival of hundreds of thousands, if not

millions, of persons who otherwise would have died of hunger and

thirst in the South of the world; and it has been the most

effective in defending human and civil rights, especially (but not only) in countries with dictatorships--in particular, those of Real Communism, as well as, of course, in Italy...

Dear Colleagues.

I could--as most of you know--go on evoking the history and

nature of our Party. However, what I have already said should be

sufficient to make clear what will be at stake during the Federal

Council meeting which will take place in Rome at the Hotel Ergife, beginning on September 1.

The reports of the First Secretary and the Treasurer, as well as communications from members of the Secretariat and the

Treasurer's Office, and colleagues who have performed particular

tasks for the party, will make it possible for us to take vital (or mortal) decisions for the Radical Party, more prepared than we have ever been before.

The situation should be sufficiently clear to all: while, on

the one hand, the demand for the Radical party (the characteristics which I have partially mentioned) has become literally overwhelming; on the other, the state of the Party's the economic, organizational-political and membership situation is literally catastrophic.

We have already practically used up the monies which Italian

members--thanks to their extraordinary and conclusive presence in

the institutions and elections in Italy and the European

Parliament--should collect during 1990. We are, worldwide,

slightly over two thousand, instead of the thirty thousand minimum which would permit us to survive and operate, and contribute to confronting the tremendous difficulties facing all of us in this difficult period.

This year, in accordance with the decision taken by the Party Congress in Budapest, the Federal Council will include de facto practically all the "executive ranks" of the Radical Party. I have decided to extend that to also include the participation of some of the more prominent newer members. Thus, we will number around a hundred--practically a "mini-Congress". The Federal Council proceedings will be broadcast live, nationally, by Radical Radio.

The statute and the political intention of the First Secretary and the Treasurer, the President of the Party and myself, will confer maximum decisional, as well as Congressional, powers (although conditional in some senses).

We hope that our Soviet colleagues will be able to attend, in particular Evghenia Debrawskaia. And in the interests of this, there is presently an extraordinary mobilization going on within the Party, despite the summer holiday season and the heat of August.

However, it will not be possible for me to postpone the

Council meeting should we fail to ensure the presence of our

colleagues and invited guests from the Soviet Union.

Recently--following the initiative of the Secretary of the

Party--a seminary was given for all members of the secretariat and Italian and European members of parliament belonging to the Radical Party. The result was alarming: we failed to develop--in addition to the institutional presentations--certain proposals to solve the financial, economic and membership problems which threaten to become transformed into a political crisis, without solution.

For this reason, particularly as regards Point I.2, I ask that you study the reports which you have received carefully and in detail.

Obviously, there will also be a broad and vital debate on the Party's political prospective, the present situation--and most importantly, the dramatic developments of the past few years.

Let me say, however, that it is essential that each one of us carefully prepare questions and answers that will contribute to a constructive debate on the serious condition of the Radical Party.

Fondest greetings,

Marco Pannella

P.S.--I should like to request that you all to give absolute

priority to this Federal Council meeting, and remember that we

should appreciate a prompt reply as regards your attendance as well as regarding subjects of the Order of the Day on the life of the party, which will be considered precious and useful to all.

Thank you.