Dear colleagues,

during this meeting, the Federal Council will be called upon to take note of an event which has dictated, also formally, the conclusion of a phase of the Party's existence or, in any case, the end of a chapter in its history.

The fact in itself of the convocation of a Federal Council meeting, at the beginning of the New Year, instead of the Party Congress-which would have been the 36th-according to the provisions of our statute, signifies that "full powers" have been assumed.

You will remember that the Motion approved last April in Budapest, at the end of the 35th Congress, by a majority of over 3/4 of the votes-making it binding for Party members and organs-provides for the "delegation of all statutory powers to the First Secretary, the Treasurer, jointly with the President of the Party and the President of the Federal Council, as regards all decisions taken as regards the life and patrimony of the Party in the case that duress should prevail over our resistance. And in this sense, and with this transitory and final regulation, the Party's statute is modified".

You will also remember that the Federal Council, which met in Rome in September, dealt with the issue of "full powers", also as regards the contents of the Congress provision, as regards the conditions prerequisite for their assumption, as well as the expiry terms and methods of the procedure. The Motion approved by the Federal Council at the end of the sessions noted that, until that time, "the procedure imposed by the Congress in Budapest had never been put into force, even in light of the evident and rapid progress of the antidemocratic process-which had been forecast and denounced-and its inevitable consequences".

This process has been under consideration by the Party for some time, and was also a leading issue in the debate in Budapest, where the final documents established definitively the close connection between the Party's existence and the conditions imposed by "real democracy" in the political party systems in the West in general-and in Italy in particular. The Federal Council Motion, approved in September, also made reference to this connection and the "Italian situation" when specifically committing the Party and its organs to "give priority to the struggle in the East European countries", it introduced an extremely explicit and significant qualification: "whenever possible and compatible with its bonds with Italy, which is for the moment the Party's almost exclusive source of resources".

It was that "Italian situation" and its relation to the Party's existence which are responsible for the assumption of "full powers" having been postponed to the extreme limit.

I have repeatedly pointed out the discrepancy between the Party's capacity for analysis, evaluation, perception and political choice and the resources available to it to adequately carry out its activities. The consequences of that discrepancy have gradually worsened as a result of the conditioning imposed by the political system and political systems, in the West-in particular in Italy-on the democratic process, with the indiscriminate and distorted use of the mass media.

I have also stated that many times during the history of the Party, the extremely positive reaction obtained in fact and concretely by this capacity were due to our success in involving "others" in our actions, many of whom had been among our most resolute adversaries. This involvement rightly caused them to share in the success which, due to increased availability of means and power, permitted them to achieve certain results which we were not able to, and often did not wish to, obtain.

I still believe that it is difficult for many to fully understand the value and potential strength of the transnational and transparty option of the Radical Party. On the other hand, we are all aware that this choice, the more it was considered necessary, the more it brought about an increase in the discrepancy between the prospect and its potential and the commitment, energies and resources necessary to effectively handle the situation. It is not by chance that our addressing others has recently been more direct, explicit and determined than ever. We knew, and know, that the more our political proposal correct, responding to the necessities of the times in which we live, the more inadequate our energies and our resources alone will seem and be: the Party as it existed and as it is, involved in the Italian and European institutions, crushed by the conspiracy of silence and deceit, could not and cannot-alone-prevail. We had to, must, succeed in renewing our relations both within and without. And the difficult

ies involved are perhaps more serious than we thought.

Undeniably, if the events of the past year, in the Central and East European countries, with their unexpected weight, extension and rapidity-on the one hand-fill us with justified and legitimate joy and satisfaction-on the other-have actually contributed to increasing our difficulties, not only due to the magnitude of the resources we must find, but also and above all, due to the diversification and the extension of the commitment necessary, as well as the change in rhythm and method.

I do not believe that parallels are easily found to the importance and value of an event such as the Party's 35th Congress held in Budapest only ten months ago. At that time, when incredulity gave way to amazement at our presence there, it was the most evident demonstration that there was no hint of the agitation which was about to explode, in rapid succession, in all the Central and East European Communist regimes.

Once more, on this occasion, the Party was able to directly express and make evident the weight and significance of its political proposal. The strength of non-violence and tolerance in demanding the right to life and the life of right-with the single and tragic exception of the gloriously courageous Roumanian revolt-was evident in the process of renewal of these countries.

With our limited means, with the direct support of some of our colleagues, and with the commitment of members resident here, the Party has during recent months focused major attention on the struggle in progress in the Central and Eastern European countries, with results which, although significant, in my opinion, considering the events and circumstances, are inadequate. A note prepared by Olivier Dupuis with the contribution of colleagues working in and from Budapest, where there is a coordination centre for Party activities in the countries of Central and East Europe, as well as other colleagues who contribute from Zagreb and Rome, provides a brief, but comprehensive, summary of those efforts made under difficult conditions and involving sacrifice and dedication. It also describes the difficulties still to be overcome and the requirements to be filled. Olivier will directly contributed thus to a better understanding of the situation and the conditions which have created it. I should like to recall here-in

order to point out its significance-the demonstrations held, on October 18, simultaneously, in Moscow, Prague, Warsaw and Budapest, when for the first time, Soviet, Czechoslovak, Polish and Hungarian citizens demanded the respect of rights, not for their country, but for and in Western Europe-especially in Spain and in Italy.

Recently, the great success, in connection with the revolt in Roumania, of Radical Radio-that radio station which once more has succeeded in functioning as the only true "public service": as a direct and constant point of reference and information for Italians and Roumanian refugees. The timeliness, immediacy and thoroughness of the information provided by Radical Radio throughout the event were not mere instances of live and shared mobilization, but provided an example of how it is possible to make of correct information a specific element of political action and proposal, acquiring thus the consensus and respect not only of those directly involved, but also those who improperly use information and who, we hope, will not once more forget too quickly that consensus and respect. Radical Radio was able to avail itself, during this period, of the exceptional collaboration of Roumanian colleagues and friends, the contribution of the Coordination Centre in Budapest and, in particular, the presence in Roumania of

Antonio Stango who courageously and with determination went there, after having organized in Rome and throughout Italy the first Party actions in connection with these events-which included the participation of the PCI (Italian Communist Party), and its Secretary, Achille Occhetto, in person.

Although the Party directed its actions and attention first of all and above all to Central and Eastern Europe, there were also actions directed at other countries. On this front, it was the antiprohibitionists to create and sustain them, and the colleagues most directly involved will furnish the necessary information and evaluations. I limit myself here to pointing out that the Party, besides following, and making its contribution, inasfar as it was possible to, to the international activities of LIA (the Italian Anti-Prohibitionist League) and the actions of CORA in Italy, also directly intervened in support of Spanish colleagues who presented an Antiprohibitionist ticket in Madrid in the October elections. And, last but not least, Marco Pannella and Emma Bonino travelled to Bogota', Colombia, to examine the possibility of the Party's holding its Federal Council Meeting there, where the abuse of power and the violent battle for and against the traffic of drugs have spread terror throughout the entire count

ry. On the anti -prohibitionist front-although with difficulty and often against still insuperable obstacles-significant and important ground is being gained in the form of attention by means of which the Party considers it can and must give progressively more space to its actions. The Party is convinced that drugs conceal not only the infamy of the narcotraffickers, organized crime, the merchants of death, but also interests and tendencies which, in prospective, could set prohibition up as the foundation of much vaster and more dangerous measures of repression, against rights, legality and democracy.

The United States of Europe, the Process of Unification and European Parliament

If the events in Central-Eastern Europe have, on the one hand, placed in evidence the validity and importance of the objectives of our political proposals, they have also changed their course, in terms of time and methods: the problems presented by the prospect of German reunification are a good example of what additional elements and unsolved issues render it even more complex. Our colleagues in Hungary and in Yugoslavia are considering carefully if and how to begin concrete action in this context, and the issue will be also be considered by them here. The presence in European Parliament of three of our colleagues (Pannella, Aglietta and Taradash), elected-as you know-on different tickets, has resulted in substantial changes in the structure and services which Radicals had available to them during the preceding legislature in Brussels, and, until now, it has not been possible to establish relations which would permit the Party to avail themselves of them in any adequate or consistent manner.

Dear Colleagues,

In addition to and beyond the overview of the situation, as regards the transnational aspects which I have briefly mentioned here, it is the Italian situation and the Party in Italy which is responsible for the putting off to "the last minute" the assumption of full powers.

When, two years ago, at the 34th Congress in Bologna, I accepted the nomination as candidate for Party Secretary, I did so in the conviction-unlike certain other colleagues-that the Party's transnational and transparty option required that all the "leaders" of the Party assume more precise, direct and autonomous responsibility. In that conviction, there was certainly no intention to concentrate on the differences which were manifest at the Congress in order to create an absurd counterposition which would place in question the leadership of Marco Pannella. On the contrary, I believed it necessary that a more direct and explicit collective responsibility be created by and for the "leaders", in order that they, in that position of increased autonomy, ensure a more coordinated and efficient direction of the Party's activities; so that Pannella in a very important and delicate period, would be free to develop his own action, free from bonds, not just formal, with the executive organs of the Party, in order to bet

ter specify new Party prospectives and contribute to creating effective programmes for their realization.

That plan was unfortunately impossible to carry out, and it would be pointless to ask ourselves here whether and which more positive results would have been obtained if at that time Pannella had been made directly involved in the running of the Party.

From the beginning, the past two years have been marked by difficulties and resistance to taking note of the incompatibility of the Party, in the form it had assumed under the installation of the institutions, with the transnational and transparty option, and the resulting decision to abstain from taking part in the national elections on the Radical ticket. Those difficulties and resistances were not irrelevant factors in creating our incapacity, and that of our leaders, to resolve that incompatibility, by making it a basic element for the necessary process of transformation.

It was with great effort and hesitation that we took note of the ending of a phase in our history, of the exhausting of that "section of theory and practice" which had been so instrumental in the Party's growth.

Thus, the proposal to "dissolve" the Party-a proposal which had during the economic and financial crises, been so often observed and denounced publicly as only a parameter for support and which assumed, as a point of reference, the availability to the Party of public and private financing, placed in relation to the duration of the legislature in Italy and the progress of the activities independently undertaken by the Party in this country in the field of television. All this in the conviction of the impossibility of the Party's fulfilling to its own fundamental political requirements with its present organization, the contribution of members and only self-financing.

The proposal of closure was then abandoned in view of the possibility of the transnational relaunching made possible by the actions in favour of human rights, democratic reform and European unity in Central and East Europe, which resulted in the Party Congress being held in Budapest and, in conclusion, also the proposal of assumption of "full powers".

That the deliberation of the Congress anticipates "full powers" as a possibility, even as highly probable, is clear from the context of the Congress Motion, just as it is clear that the possible alternative conditions to this solution was left largely dependent on eventual development of the Italian situation: an obvious indication of this was the "Italian Congress" of the Transnational Party which was held on the following May in Rimini in view of the European elections which had been announced at the end of the Congress in Budapest.

On an earlier occasion, I had the opportunity of expressing my conviction that the transparty condition was preliminary, that it was an essential pre-supposition for the realization of the Transnational Party and as such, above all as regards those "Italian bonds, which are presently the almost exclusive source of Party resources". The September Motion by the Federal Council certainly, with that qualification, did not intend only financial resources, but also and above all, human resources. I believe that it was precisely the commitment to create these conditions which, since the Congress in Budapest, has provided the Party's greatest strength. The results have been important ones, perhaps going beyond what is immediately evident. However, the costs have been high, much higher than we thought they would be, for in Italy, "external factors"-the involution of the system, obstacles, the insensitivity and delays of "read democracy"-have weighed heavily on our actions, often distorting them, suffocating them to t

he point of annulling their impact.

It is a fact that the Radical action taken throughout the country and in Parliament, as regards the Social Democrats, the Ecologists, Laics, Communists and citizens who are convinced of the threat of drugs and prohibition and/or in any case are anxious to leave the system, is the result of the autonomous commitment of Party members, free of and freed from the bonds of and with the "party as such", as was repeated in the appeal to members in the Motion approved in September by the Federal Council. However, it is also a fact that the original structural and operative connection with the Party has continued and, for the most part, prevailed, with the result-on the one hand-of an expenditure of the most valid energies, and the impoverishment, if not elimination, of the capacity for political action of the Party "as such", reducing its range of action and-on the other hand-increasing the burden of operative and service-related obligations on an organizational set-up which becomes progressively more inadequate.

In these conditions, even ensuring only that connection, has become more and more difficult.

On the other hand, it is to this action, taken principally in connection with the European elections that the significant and important results we took note of with such satisfaction during the last Federal Council Meeting and which also contributed considerably in preventing the so expected "Socialist success"-with the almost certain subsequent adjourning of the legislature and further distortion of the democratic progress, for the unique purpose of closing the ranks of the party system, interrupted and obstructed the processes in progress to restore to the nation real conditions of democratic debate.

The recent city elections in Rome-which were deliberately pushed towards national political relevance, almost as a righteous revenge- unfortunately, made evident, despite the positive results obtained by our colleagues in the "ecologist" or antiprohibitionist groups, not only the specific intention of the system to suffocate in silence the Radical presence, but also the incapacity of those political sectors and forces intent on breaking out of the prevalently existing patterns and take advantage of the great opportunities offered by the imagination and actions of the Radicals.

On this occasion also, as far as it was possible, the support of the Party and its resources was not lacking for our colleagues.

In the Roman elections, as well as the European elections, the Radical proposal had the advantage of Marco Pannella's direct action and participation. Moreover, that action and participation was provided consistently during the past months with the specific intention of confirming, extending and consolidating in Italy the transparty condition so necessary to the Party. In this effort, Pannella enjoyed the freedom from direct and formal involvement in the leadership of the "Party as such": it is essential that this condition be ensured him up to the very last.

It is my hope that our colleagues who have been and are leaders in "Italian" actions and who, with courage and determination, at times with basic and conscientious sense of service, assumed the onus of a difficult and extenuating task, which placed them more than once in a difficult position, act once more to provide not only more precise and complete information, but also evaluations to enrich debate on the Party situation (the necessity above all of being, I repeat, transparty in Italy, in order to become transnational and, thus, transparty also in other countries), which could not, is not, cannot, be irrelevant and thus, in my opinion, not be neglected.

To this end as well, in order to organize our efforts in an effective manner, considering the existing requirements, I believe it would be useful to hold this meeting examining the various points separately, and not just as a general discussion.

Dear Colleagues,

If is true-which it is-that the provision approved in Budapest for "full powers" did not render its assumption as binding, thus leaving open the possibility of continuing Party activities, according to normal regime, it is also true that in September, the Federal Council-taking into consideration the reports presented and the debate held-with its decisions (and not, it would be well to remember, only those taken with the approved Motions, but also with those rejected) already excluded the existence of conditions justifying the convocation of the 36th Party Congress. Also, the Federal Council made it amply clear that it considered it fairly improbable that those conditions would be created in time and, consequently, suggested (and not imposed) the assumption of full powers, proclaiming itself de facto favorable to the third of the proposals offered the Federal Council for deliberation by the Secretary and Treasurer in the postscript reports.

According to that proposal, the assumption of full powers sanctions, first of all, the conclusion of a phase in the Party's existence, the end of a cycle in its history, resulting in the annulment of the pre-existent organization and the beginning of a phase which could lead to either the re-founding and constitution of the "new party" or to the Party's liquidation.

Since September, our comportment, our choice, has above all been that of in any case not excluding, as long as possible, the possibility that recourse to "full powers" could be avoided.

It was a choice which increased our solitude, even isolating us, in anticipation of an action which we knew would of necessity-as we did-leave essentially to others (colleagues on the outside, committed to creating conditions which would result in that concrete contribution of Party membership of "others", beginning with qualified exponents of those parties and political forces, to which invitations and appeals had been and were repeated addressed.

We knew that this was indispensable if the Party was to be ensured that condition (transparty), necessary not only to attract activist members, but which would also permit it to immediately and once more propose itself and its actions, with renewed strength in other countries as well.

The memberships, the adhesions-the hoped-for condition which might have made it possible to avoid recourse to the assumption of full powers-did not materialize (the exception being those colleagues, members of other parties, who had for some time accepted our invitation and to whom we now repeat our esteem and gratitude).

The Secretary of the Italian Communist Party, Achille Occhetto, has announced that he will take part tomorrow in our meeting: it is our hope that the process of the reconstitution of his party which he has begun with such courage and determination-and for which we have hoped and concretely supported, in certainly in not suspect ways-will result in more precise and consistent confirmation of our proposals and our appeal.

Thus, the past four months, have been for us the most difficult period, working from day to day-at times with untenable pressures and deadlines, and at others with agonizing pauses and absences-to complete a task which we realized, although substantial, could not be but marginal, under conditions which could also have contributed to the increase of individual defects and inadequacies.

In the completion of this task, we could not however be unaware of the approaching deadline which would render inevitable the assumption of "full powers"; thus, we considered it necessary also to establish in advance, inasfar as it was possible, the conditions for the annulment of the pre-existent organization (which was the inevitable consequence of the assuming of "full powers"). With that assumption, the Joint Vice-Secretaries, the members of the Secretariat and all those who had been invested with political responsibility, and who remained in those positions in postponement of the precedent mandate because they could not be substituted at the Congress in Budapest, shall leave their offices and duties.

Since the first of January, all other relation with the Party won any institutional level, was interrupted, with the exception of six persons whose activities became indispensable for observance of legal administrative requirements and those implied by statutory bonds (membership, Federal Council). Also, the Centre for Radio-Television Monitoring will utilize all the office space on Corso Rinascimento, and the Party will be located exclusively on Via Torre di Argentina.

Dear Colleagues,

In the light of the above, what is the situation, the state of, the Party? What are the conditions and concrete terms upon which the "regime of full powers" will be based?

I should like to immediately make clear that a complete and adequate response to that question has already been drawn up and presented by the many pages written by you and from time to time presented at meetings of the Federal Council and the Party Congresses. It is not, however, possible here to present an up-date of that response completely and adequately, but only to provide a summary, with few references and specifications.

Lack of time and resources, or lack of will and determination? The doubt and uncertainty presented by that question are in themselves also indications. And an evaluation of them is necessary if we are produce the various, possible and inevitable conclusions.

Summing up, these are the essential aspects of the present situation.

On December 31, 1989, with the provisions made in September and presented to the Federal Council, the economic conditions of the Party would have closed with an effective deficit of 1,600 million Lires. That is confirmed by the Final Balance, since, to the minor costs incurred by not holding the 36th Congress, higher costs for important reconversion of the new offices-which were unforeseeable at the moment of purchase-had to be added, as well as the cost of this Federal Council meeting, in amounts equivalent to the minor costs.

To formulate a forecast of economic trends for the Party in 1990 cannot exclude pointing out that the basic purpose of the regime of "full powers" is the real and constant guaranteeing of conditions, both economic and estate, which would permit the liquidation of the Party, without making recourse to claiming bankruptcy and, in this sense, specific individual responsibility, first of all-but not exclusively-those of the Secretary and the Treasurer jointly with the President of the Party and the President of the Federal Council.

On the other hand, the seriousness and extent of the Party's economic crisis is not recent, but have been specifically announced and documented, analyzed and evaluated by the Federal Council (which approved the reports) since April, 1988 and, after that, up until the Congress in Budapest, with bi-monthly regularity. At each meeting, the exceptional difficulties in which the Party found itself were described, difficulties which must be faced and resolved. In September of this year, the Federal Council was once more informed completely of the situation and those reports as well were approved.

For this meeting, the Treasurer has calculated-and illustrated with graphs-trends from 1973 of the principle elements making up the economic situation. The tables and graphs, complete with brief descriptions, attached to the balance sheet for 1989, provided together with the Auditor's Report for your examination and approval.

It is not possible here to enter into particulars in an explanation of the of the significance of these calculations. However, one interesting fact is that during the past few years the lack of information furnished by the public radio/television networks (the audience rating for political coverage has gone from 20 to 2 million, one tenth of its former size), has made it necessary for the Party to spend considerable amounts in attempting to make up for this lack. That amount has steadily increased, causing the Party to utilize for that purpose, directly and progressively more substantially, the monies in public financing previously earmarked for "autonomous entities" (Radical Radio and Teleroma 56, for the most part).

Another interesting fact which emerged is the substantial increase in total Party expenditure during the two-year period 1986-1987, only partially compensated for by the increase-undoubtedly also substantial-in self-financing during that period from the "10,000 members campaign". That increase in expenditure was-inevitably-felt the following year (1988) with the annulment of the self-financing obtained from the campaign for the "ten thousand", with the persistence of such elevated costs, contributing considerably to creating the economic and financial crisis which has overwhelmed the Party during the past two years. In fact, it was only possible for us to stem the rising tendency in the total costs, containing them in 1988 and limiting them in 1989, without however, unfortunately, resolving it.

Consequently, an economic forecast for 1990 must necessarily include priori taking account of only certain data, without considering as given elements which are certainly not- included among which is above all the protraction of the legislature of Italian Parliament for one year. In fact, on this basis, including in the forecast the use-anticipating bank figures-of public finance for 1991 could irremediably compromise creating the necessary conditions for liquidation of the Party. Another element, which for the same reason cannot be included in the forecast, is the Parliamentary retribution which the members of Italian and European Parliament elected on the Radical ticket devolve to the Party. In the second case, however, as the amounts are not advanced but paid monthly, it would be reasonable to include half the total yearly amount (450 million Lires) in the budget.

Another component which could be included in the forecast of revenues with reasonable certainly is the amount resulting from activities in the television sector, the amount of which (1,000 million Lires) was recently confirmed.

The estate allows meeting the total deficit which cannot exceed two billion Lires; since, it has been confirmed, that of the 1989 deficit, 1,600 million Lires, is available.

A plausible total revenue for 1990 would be 1,850 million Lires.

Under present conditions, the obligations which the Party must meet are the following:

-payment of installments for bank loan taken for the acquisition of the new offices and maintenance expenses, the management, equipment and services therein, for a total of 350 million Lires;

-cost of six persons responsible for Party administration, technical management of memberships and the essential logistic functions (the provisions already adopted, and mentioned above, reduced to 6 the 36 persons who worked in and for the Party up to and through the month of December 1989, receiving for various functions payment or reimbursement. The total amount foreseen for this item is 150,000 million Lires;

-expenditure necessary for completing the experimental phase of Project "AGORA", which must guarantee the possibility of transmitting and receiving Radical literature, translated in various languages, by telecommunications, both within the Party and outside, for a total of 300 million Lires;

-the continuation of activities of the Centre in Budapest for Communication and Coordination in Central and East Europe, for a total of 350 million Lires;

-the publication and distribution of "Radical Letter" in nine languages once every three weeks, for a total of 200 million Lires.

The total amount of these commitments is 1,350 million Lires. In addition to this, the means must be available to finance another meeting of the Federal Council and a second "Italian Congress", similar to the one held in Rimini at the end of May, shortly after the Congress in Budapest, for a total amount of not less than 400 million Lires, and with this final amount, the total reaches 1,750 million Lires, with a remainder balance-in relation to the revenue forecast-of only 100 million Lires.

All the above will amply illustrate that only with substantial self-financing will it be possible to consider any programme for action, for an important and substantial minimum, which requires the renewal and the relaunching of membership and activism.

Reference to a programme for significant and substantial minimum, is intended to refer only as those other equally essential activities which we excluded here solely for a specific and strict sense of responsibility: the printing and distribution of the news sheet Radical News-in Italian and other languages-the publication of Radical News-daily news agency-as well as the means for holding subsequent Federal Council meetings, or in any case, more frequent meetings-above all, those activities which incur costs and which are strictly connected with political action. We cannot consider the economic situation for 1990 without also taking into account Radical Radio.

At the beginning of this report, we stressed the important role played by Radical Radio in Italy during the Roumanian revolt, noting with satisfaction that the information provided by the radio station was not only an example of special mobilization, but one more example of how it is possible to use correct information as a political means. Since 1986, the Party has been unable to devolve to Radical Radio the entire amount from public financing, and all attempts to guarantee its autonomy through recognition of its nature as a "public service" (by means of contracts and conventions with the Council of Ministers, Parliament and the Region, as in the case of RAI-TV (Italian State Radio/Television networks) and AMSA, the largest Italian Press Agency) have failed.. Also, the decision taken to guarantee funds by law to Radical Radio as a party organ, in the same way as newspapers other parties, although it has in part resolved the most pressing economic problems of Radical Radio, has more and more been an obstacle

to the recognition of its public function, which is the most natural and correct one.

As we have so often repeated during Federal Council meetings, as a result of the lack of regulations for the radio/television sector in Italy, Radical Radio is obliged to sustain costly and continual technical adaptation of its equipment which involves an annual expenditure of at least 5,500 million Lires. This, more than anything else, has rendered the allotment assigned to Radical Radio, as a Party organ (2,000 million Lires) absolutely inadequate for financing its activities.

Each time, during the past two years, that the conditions of Radical Radio have been referred to, we have succeeded in raising the necessary interest. In September, taking into account that in 1990 the allotments to Radical Radio, as a Party organ, will end, we stressed the absolute necessity of resolving the problem before the end of the year, aware that only its recognition as a "public service" could provide that solution; and we are working to that end.

It is possible, with reasonable certainty, to forecast a revenue for Radical Radio not exceeding 3,000 million Lires (2,000 from public financing and 1,000 from publicity and services). Taking into account that, at the end of 1989, Radical Radio should show a deficit of 1,000 million Lires, another 3,500 million Lires are necessary to meet the total operations cost. That figure makes it even clearer that the only adequate response is the one we have indicated.

Where did these figures come from? What are their value and political significance?

At the beginning of 1988, during the Federal Council meeting held in Madrid, the "state of the Party" revealed to us all a Party the total annual "value" of which was 13,500 million Lires (equivalent today to approximately 15,000 million Lires), if we consider a devaluation of the Lire of 10% over two years) incardinated by the institutions sustaining it by contributing for various purposes (public financing to parties, financing by members of Parliament and Parliamentary groups, publishing allotments) for a total of almost 80% of the total amount. Expenditures for the Party "as such" was then forecast at 4,750 million Lires (more than 5,000 million at present rates), an analogous cost was forecast for Radical Radio, while the residual value was absorbed by projected costs for members of Parliament and the activities of the Parliamentary groups. The Party disposed of the efforts of 129 individuals, in political positions or occupied in organizational tasks. Of these, 38 were employed in activities of the Par

ty "as such". During the two-year period 1988-1989, while costs for Radical Radio exceeded 5,000 million Lires, towards the 5,500. projected for 1990, the total Party structure and its organization remained substantially unchanged and costs for the Party "as such" were reduced at the cost of a considerable limiting of its activities. It is in fact generally known that the resources and available to us have resulted inadequate and insufficient in meeting the requirements of a Party committed to the struggle to become a transparty and Transnational force, despite the fact that it could still avail itself during the two-year period of funds resulting from the Party's participation in the institutions.

From the elements presented here as to the creation of a realistic basis for a forecast for 1990, a situation is revealed that-as regards the economic aspects and the finances available as a result, as well as its structure and organization-very clearly in counterposition to the pre-existent one.

The regime of "full powers", in fact, takes note of the concrete nature of the figures with which-as we stated at the beginning of this report-a period of the Party's existence had ended and a phase in its history concluded. Consistently with this "breakdown", the point of departure for the creation of the "new party" (or the liquidation of the Party) excludes almost entirely the contribution available up until the present from the institutions annulling the pre-existent structure and organization.

We have, in fact, seen that the total financial availability for 1990 is below 2,000 million Lires and that the collaboration of only six persons is foreseen. Financial resources are thus half of those which the Party normally had available during the previous two-year period, while the human resources availability are one sixth of those which were available during the same period. And we are all aware of just how inadequate and insufficient both of these resources were.

The "New regime" is imposed thus with dramatic urgency, as regards the problems of membership, self-financing, activist contribution; it cannot be just "people", the "average" man or woman in the street, to resolve it but, in addition and priori, qualified exponents of other political groups or forces, other parties, which with their membership in the Party and their authority can and must fill that lack of information which has until now prevented a more general understanding of the value, the rightness, the urgency of the transnational and transparty choice made by the Radical party.

These are the memberships which with their weight can furnish the Party, not only quantitatively, that support which, together with the commitment of activists could partially contain the financial requirement, placing the Party in a position to operate effectively and with determination, strong in its own identity and a more suitable image.

In conclusion, a very brief look at membership-more detailed information on this subject is given in the Balance Sheet Attachments.

In 1989, membership for twelve months was 3,179, more or less identical to that of 1988. However, we should keep in mind that membership registration for 1988 was opened three months earlier-in October of 1987-and consequently membership for that year was 5,843 for fifteen months.

Also in 1989, 733 non-residents (in Italy) joined the Party, much less than the 3,000 which was the goal set in Bologna at the beginning of 1988, for the creation of the transnational party.

Membership figures for non-residents (in Italy) for the two-year period 1988-1989 change substantially if they are compared with those for the countries from which they come: in 1988, half were residents in EEC countries-two thirds in Spain, Portugal and Belgium, while in 1989, three fourths of non-resident members came from Central and Eastern Europe (Yugoslavia, Hungary, Poland, the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia). In those countries, the presence of few Radicals, at times for very brief periods, alone resulted in the formation of small, but important groups of members. Outside Europe, there were 20 memberships for Basil Guissou.

For 1990, up to the present, there have been 379 memberships, 318 of which in Italy, essentially due to the antiprohibitionist campaign conducted in particular by CORA, and 61 in other countries, for the most part Czechoslovakia (43).

Dear Colleagues,

Evidently, this report is the last report to the "normal regime" and concludes it. It is not and could not be the first to "new regime" of "full powers". Setting out its prospective, indicating-as far as it is possible under present conditions-the first lines of action to be taken, is the task of Marco Pannella. The assumption of "full powers" directly involves him and Emma Bonino directly, in a joint responsibility, and we cannot be exonerated from conferring on them the onus and the honour if being the first to express the thoughts and the intentions of the "four", who have been given the difficult task of salvaging-if it is at all possible-with your help, the hopes for the Radical Party.

Sergio Stanzani