(Rome, 19-22 September 1991)INDEX
1.1. The decision to assume "full congressional powers"
1.2. The report presented at the III Italian Congress
1.3. The "state of the Party"
1.4. The political project for 1991.
1.5. What has changed after six months?
1.6. The current state of accounts and effects on budget forecasts.
1.7. Income
1.8. Expenditure
1.9. Negative factors and causes of undoubted gravity.
2.1. The "project"
2.2. A "scenario" that we have been unable to put into effect
2.3. The Italian "link"
2.4. Feasibility study on the technical organization of the "project"
2.5. Failure to implement the "scenario"
2.6. The initiation of an experimental phase of the "project"
2.7. Teamwork and the contribution of new collaborators
2.8. The operational phase
3.1. The choice to become transnational
3.2. A hope entrusted "to others"
3.3. The assumption of "full congressional powers"
3.4. The Party's relationship with the Italian situation
3.5. The request to set up formal seats for discussion
3.6. A matter of difficulty: the relationship with the Italian situation
3.7 The presence of the Party in Eastern Europe
Dear friends and comrades,
the Federal Council of the Party has not met since the beginning of January of last year.
In December 1989 "full congressional powers" were assumed on the basis of decisions taken in April of the same year, in Budapest, by the XXXV Congress of the Party. These powers were also assumed following the recommendations of the Federal Council during and at the conclusion of the meeting held in Rome in September 1990.
1.1. The decision to assume "full congressional powers"
This decision was reached after a great deal of agonizing and reflection, for it was weighed upon by full awareness of the exceptional gravity of the situation and the extraordinary responsibility which it involved.
There is no need, at this point, to recall the details of the situation at that time: from the disastrous financial position of the Party to its organizational and political framework, the situation was such that the Party could not continue to exist without making substantial changes -- not only in its structure, but also, and especially, in the nature of the practices acquired in recent years. These changes were necessary for the creation of a "New Party", of a Party with different needs and relations, capable of taking political initiatives in a "different" dimension and with "different" perspectives.
It is a matter, above all, of conditions and needs that are related to long and tormented moments of a past which still weighs on the Party and is still present in us, committed as we are to facing up to it and overcoming it - a past which points constantly to the reality of our times, to the foresight of our analyses and judgements, and to the tremendous difficulties we now face in the awareness of objectives to be pursued and duties to be absolved, objectives which almost certainly cannot be achieved with the resources at our disposal, despite the steps taken and the results obtained.
1.2. The report presented at the III Italian Congress
In February of this year, in the report presented to the Party's III Italian Congress, we outlined the main events of last year, as well as the initiatives taken and the activity carried out, or not carried out. We also specified the steps taken and the directions followed in the attempt to deal with the situation, controlling or overcoming the most negative aspects and at the same time initiating the process of reform of the Party.
The report went on to deal with two subjects in particular: the state of the party, and the political project for 1991.
1.3. The "state of the Party"
On the first of the two subjects, the report stated with justifiable satisfaction that "the end of 1990 and the beginning of 1991 marks a moment of exceptional, unique importance with regard to the "state of the Party", the situation of party finances and assets, its organization -- in short, its operational viability."
These words were a comment on an achievement that is summed up in concrete and eloquent terms in the Party's balance-sheet: in the course of 1990 a deficit of three billion lire was recovered and cleared. The financial results at the end of 1989, in fact, saw the Party close to "bankruptcy" -- the very existence of the Party was repeatedly cast into doubt simply for financial reasons.
The exceptional importance of the results shown in the Party balance-sheet on 31.12.90 was confirmed and guaranteed by the solvency achieved in the meantime by the PRODUCTION CENTRE (the company controlling RADIO RADICALE), which owes the Party substantial sums of money.
Together with an outline of the Party's various assets and a provisional plan for the distribution and allocation of the total resources available, the report also set out the steps and the actions to which such a radical change was due, as well as the organizational consequences and the political price resulting from such a change. The change not only freed the party from the looming threat of bankruptcy, but also meant that for 1991 a net sum of four billion lire would be available for use in political activity and initiatives.
This sum made the financial situation not only exceptional, radically changed in the course of a single year, but also unexpected and unpredictable, in view of the fact that the amount necessary to cover general expenses, organizational and running
expenses -- a total of over three billion lire -- was almost covered by incoming funds, with an estimated total expenditure for the whole year of slightly under 7.5 billion lire.
The estimated income for the year amounted to a total of around 7 billion lire, less than 400 million lire below the total expenditure.
The most significant source of income (slightly more than 2.8 billion lire) was that provided by PUBLIC FINANCING. Only just below this figure was the total (2.7 billion lire) provided by SELF-FINANCING (1.5 billion lire) and PARLIAMENTARY WAGES (1.2 billion lire), to which were added 200 million lire from the PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS. The TV SECTOR contributed a further one billion lire, whilst 250 million lire were expected from the SALE OF RIGHTS AND SERVICES.
1.4. The political project for 1991.
On the basis of this outline of the "state of the party", provisional and only partially updated, the report also dealt with the subject of the "political project" for 1991, specifying the objective of the initiative and outlining the programme of activities.
What did the "political project" for 1991 look like?
The Radical Party project was born as a response to a challenge: that of the present political situation, which requires a nonviolent force capable of bringing together people of different countries in a common commitment and a common political struggle. Capable, that is, of identifying the reasons and the needs for political action, turning them into common objectives and organizing the political commitment in order to ensure that the common awareness and the common programme are transformed into concrete laws, into transnational law, into law for everyone.
The programme for the implementation of the project is initially addressed to the politicians of the European nations and uses the written word as its instrument. A monthly publication is thus to be sent to the members of legislative assemblies, including federal and regional assemblies, in Western and Eastern Europe: 7-8 issues by the end of the year to be sent to around 35,000 people, resident in 279 places in 34 States, as well as the European Parliament, at an estimated total cost of no less than 3 billion lire.
The character of the publication is to be "in pamphlet-form", based on "themes". The elaboration of specific proposals for political initiatives in and for each theme means that contributors and readers can adhere to one proposal only, following criteria similar to those used in the past by the "radical associations". In this way the foundations are laid for a new organizational framework, a new structure, a "new" (transnational and cross-party) Radical Party.
1.5. What has changed after six months?
Just over four months before the end of the year, what is the current situation, how and in what direction have there been changes in the terms of the framework and the programme outlined in the report last February?
1.6. The current state of accounts and effects on budget forecasts.
We will begin by considering the progress of party accounts, the implications on assets and finances, and the likely effects on the budget.
The progress of accounts so far this year suggest that the positive forecasts made in February will be respected at the end of the year.
The result is substantially positive, sufficiently so to lead us to believe that the activity of the Party is progressing in line with the programme and with the results expected.
In fact, however, an analysis of the single items of income and expenditure already highlights a number of cases of substantial difference, which constitute a reason for serious concern about the real likelihood of ensuring that results stay in line with the objectives outlined in the programme.
1.7. Income
The figures for total income are currently in line with those forecast in February. This is due, however, to two factors - one positive and the other negative - which balance each other out.
The first factor is the increase in income from PUBLIC FINANCING, from AGORA' and from the CENTRO D'ASCOLTO PER L'INFORMAZIONE RADIOTELEVISIVA (around 400 million lire), as well as non-operating profits from the sale of RIGHTS AND SERVICES in 1990 (a further 400 million lire), giving a total of 800 million lire.
The second factor, on the other hand, is the reduction in income from SELF-FINANCING and from PARLIAMENTARY WAGES, which is less than the figure estimated in February. For the first item it is 600 million lire less, whilst for the second item it is 200 million less, giving a total, in this case too, of 800 million lire.
The reduction in income from SELF-FINANCING can be explained largely by the Gulf War, which caused a drastic fall in enrolments after the promising start made in the first months of the "radical year". The rhythm of enrolments has not picked up again since the beginning of the year. This is a serious problem, and one which demands considerable attention in an analysis of the current state of the Party.
For now we will stick to numbers: when the III Italian Congress was convened (end of January, beginning of February) 2,016 people had already enrolled. At the beginning of the Congress (14 February) this number had increased to 2,213, whilst at the end of the Congress (17 February) it had reached 2,440 (2,163 in Italy and 277 in other countries). At present the total number of members is 3,445, 2,683 in Italy and 762 in other countries. In seven months less than 1,000 people have enrolled, more than 500 in Italy and about 500 in other countries.
The number of members is 817 fewer than the total number of Party members in 1990 (or 19.2% of the 1990 figure); of these, 532 (42%) are resident in Italy whilst 285 (25%) are resident in other countries.
As regards the difference in the income from PARLIAMENTARY WAGES -- another factor whose importance cannot be hidden -- it is worth noting that the reductions in payments to the Party have taken place despite considerable increases in the monthly wages of Italian deputies.
In this respect we must point out that Gaetano Azzolina and Ambrogio Viviani, who entered the Chamber of Deputies on the resignation of Adelaide Aglietta and Adele Faccio, have both transferred from the European Federalist Group to the Mixed Group -- they have not paid the Party the quota of their wages to which all members commit themselves on the acceptance of candidature, and as a result they will have earned 180 million lire and 200 million lire respectively at the end of 1991 -- more than three times the sum earned by Radical parliamentarians. If we take into account the contribution towards "parliamentary assistants", which should also be turned over to the Party on the basis of agreements, the amount of money they earn each month is four times higher.
1.8. Expenditure
During the same period there have been considerable variations in expenditure, but these should not have any significant effect on the final results.
As is the case with income, the variations in expenditure balance each other out; this does not mean, however, that they are without importance.
To summarize, the progress of expenditure in the first seven months of the year show above all that the activity related to the implementation of the "project" is not sufficiently intense to use up the funds allotted to the purpose in the February budget by the end of the year. As things stand at the moment, in fact, it is highly unlikely that we will be able to bring the programme to completion before the end of December -- this would require the passage from the publication of the newspaper to that of the "pamphlets", as they were foreseen by the "project", and another 4 or 5 mailings to add to the first three mailings of the "newspaper". Consequently the expenditure for the "project" will be at least one billion lire less at the end of the year than the figure contained in the budget, so that this item will constitute a surplus on the final balance-sheet.
In the second place, the progress of expenditure shows that spending related to organization, services and running costs are within the estimated figures, as is expenditure on other activities and initiatives (with the exception of the "political project"), whilst there has been considerable expenditure on investments, for a total of not less than one billion lire, which was not foreseen by the budget.
Most of these expenses (600 million lire) are due to the cost of the purchase and conversion of premises owned by the party which were not previously available because they were occupied. When work is finished, the amount of space available for party work will be increased considerably. Another 200 million lire are the result of non-operating losses relative to work carried out last year on the modernization of the head offices. A further 200 million lire have been spent on providing the main hall of the party offices with equipment for the filming and live broadcast on "Teleroma 56" of meetings, debates, and interviews: some of these costs are for equipment and work relative to the 1990 financial year. Finally, 100 million lire have been spent on other equipment, furniture and decoration.
Expenditure on investments, as we know, do not affect the balance when they are paid for without incurring debts, with existing resources. For now this is the case, in that it is possible to cover these expenses with the funds "saved" on the implementation of the "project".
1.9. Negative factors and causes of undoubted gravity.
From the figures presented above, it is clear that the end-of-year balance will be largely as expected.
However, it has already been pointed out that the variations in the progress of the financial accounts and the implications expected on party assets and finances point clearly to a number of factors that are of undoubted gravity: the substantial reduction in income forecast from SELF-FINANCING and from PARLIAMENTARY WAGES, for example -- the importance of this variation lies not so much in terms of quantity as in terms of quality, and it is this which should be carefully considered when political conclusions are drawn.
Another factor to be considered with serious attention is the reasons behind the decrease in the expenditure forecast for the implementation of the "political project" for 1991.
These factors, causes, and reasons are linked directly to the "state of the Party" which, all in all, is still not able to respond adequately to the requirements and the needs of the moment, despite the commitment and the dedication of those involved -- such commitment and dedication has brought about results that in many ways are, once again, surprising, though unfortunately still not sufficient.
All this is affected, as we will see, by the relation between the Party and the Italian situation, which has had considerable effects on the launch and the implementation of the "political project" for 1991.
2.1. The "project"
The "political project", illustrated in the report to the III Italian Congress, has been the priority objective of the Party in recent months, and it is to this end that we have devoted our efforts and our resources. These resources are insufficient, not from a financial point of view but from an organizational point of view, in terms of the means employed and the human energy available, which is inadequate compared to the size of the "undertaking".
We were, however, aware that the implementation of the project was essential for the possibility of setting up and organizing, within a relatively short time, a nonviolent, direct-membership force capable of operating beyond the national frontiers and of affirming the right to life and a life of rights, here and now.
2.2. A "scenario" that we have been unable to put into effect
This awareness was present in the "scenario" outlined in view of the III Italian Congress and put to all party members in the letter sent on 12 December of last year: the possibility of convening the XXXVI Congress of the Party at the end of August of this year, preceded by the Italian Congress and also by a meeting of the Federal Council, to be held at the end of March.
The "scenario" was based, among other things, on the decidedly positive progress of enrolments in Italy in the first two months of the new "radical" year.
However, the feasibility of the "scenario" has been undermined for two reasons, one external and the other internal, both of a political nature.
2.3. The Italian "link"
Halfway through January the Italian Parliament voted in favour of a motion which authorized the intervention of the armed forces in the Gulf War: the Party, whilst stressing its point of view with regard to the Iraqi invasion, acknowledged the value of the different positions expressed by members and assumed in Parliament, positions which were repeated in Rome on the occasion of the Italian Congress.
Without wanting to go into detail on the various positions adopted in Parliament and the distorted information given once again by the media, both the press and radio and television broadcasts, it is a fact that there was a sudden fall in the number of new enrolments.
At the same time a serious political and institutional crisis began in Italy, caused by the contradictions in the political system and the attempts made by the ruling parties to contain and overcome such contradictions.
For a number of months there was a serious risk of early elections, which some political forces wanted to hold at the same time as the referendum of 9 June on the number of preferential votes to be cast in elections for the Chamber of Deputies (1).
The Party obviously could not ignore this risk: as well as being firmly opposed to the aberrant Italian habit of calling elections for party-political reasons before the term of government laid down by the Constitution is completed, a habit which dates back more than thirty years, the Party's link with Italian institutions is still essential for its existence.
The choice to become transnational has undoubtedly confirmed, in irreversible terms, the Party's decision not to take part as such in elections of any type in Italy or in other countries, but it is equally true that the funds provided by public financing of political parties are still the main source of income for the Party: it is hardly surprising, therefore, that the Party was "distracted" during this period by the risk of early elections. It would be hypocritical to deny it.
The attempt to set up the transnational party comes into daily conflict with what happens in Italy. The conflict is not only related to money, both public financing and the contributions of party members and activists in public office, but also to the complex relationship which has existed, and which continues to exist despite all our efforts, with the Italian situation.
I will return later to this aspect of the problem, which has had, and continues to have, such a wide-ranging effect on the "state of the Party".
2.4. Feasibility study on the technical organization of the "project"
Another reason, in this case related to the Party's internal affairs, has changed the initial "scenario" and affected the first phase of implementation of the "project": the growing conviction that the technical means and the human resources available were not sufficient to fulfill the programme set out in the report to the III Italian Congress, which involved the publication and distribution of 7 or 8 pamphlets (one per month) of 80 pages each by the end of the year.
This conviction has led us to dedicate most of our time and energy to a feasibility study on the technical organization of the "project".
There have been a succession of meetings, exchanges of opinion, etc, on the feasibility of the "undertaking", on the basis of an outline drawn up in December of the "production and organization phases": establishment of a data bank with the names of people to whom the publication will be sent; "presentation" of the message; editing; translation; layout and paging; printing; distribution; handling of "responses" (2).
2.5. Failure to implement the "scenario"
In April, however, we were forced to face up to the impossibility of following and implementing the "scenario" traced at the beginning of the year: conditions were not suitable for a meeting of the Federal Council at the end of March, a meeting which was to have examined the possibility of convening the Congress at the end of August.
This failure was announced publicly during the seminar organized by the Party in Rimini in April on the "form of the political party in continental real democracy", on the "transnational and cross-party proposal of the Radical Party" and on the "relationship between the Radical Party, Italian political forces, and the proposal for a new democratic force".
During this seminar -- in the presence of many important figures from the world of science, culture, and politics, as well as of members of the Party who operate, in different groups, in the Italian and European Parliaments -- we outlined the reasons for the change in the "scenario" and the delays in the implementation of the "project", and we also stressed the failings of the enrolment campaign in other countries and of "external" contributions to the work of the Party.
2.6. The initiation of an experimental phase of the "project"
The weeks that followed the Rimini seminar were decisive for the initiation of an experimental phase of the "project", which began in May and has continued for the last four months. Having seen that it would not be possible to make up for the initial delays, preparations were made to create the conditions necessary for a study into the feasibility of the "undertaking" (3).
2.7. Teamwork and the contribution of new collaborators
In order to carry out this series of activities efficiently, we have reintroduced the custom of having daily meetings for all those involved in the "project" and in the activity of the Party.
It has also been necessary to employ new collaborators in the attempt to meet the needs of the operation (4).
The attempt to organize the editorial activity of the project into work-groups, with the participation of outside contributors, has not been brought to conclusion.
2.8. The operational phase
The operational phase began in May with the decision to produce the first of the three "newspapers" published so far.
The first issue of the newspaper, written in Italian in late May and early June, was translated, composed, and printed in 11 languages (Polish, Hungarian, German, Romanian, Spanish, Croatian, English, French, Czechoslovakian, Russian and Esperanto) in late June and early July, with a total print-run of 230,700 copies.
This issue was sent to the members of the national Parliaments of all the countries of Western and Eastern Europe, and to the members of 189 federal and regional assemblies in these countries.
It was also sent to South America, to the national Parliaments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela; to Africa, to the national Parliaments of the Ivory Coast and Senegal; and in the Middle East, to Israel.
Distribution of the first issue -- later extended to a total of 471 Nobel prize-winners, EEC Commissioners and international figures -- was completed on 13 August (5).
The second issue of the newspaper, written in Italian in July, was translated, composed and printed in 13 languages (those of the first issue plus Albanian, Portuguese, and Slovenian), with a total print-run of 302,000 copies.
The second issue was sent to the same people as the first issue, with the addition of the national Parliaments of Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia and the Federal Parliament of the United States of America.
It was also sent to other international figures (about 500 names) as well as to those of the first issue (6).
The third issue of the newspaper, written in August during the dramatic events in the Soviet Union, has already been printed in Italian and sent to the same people as the first two issues.
It is currently being produced in the same languages as the second issue, with the addition of Esperanto, for a total print-run of 289,000 copies. These editions will be received by 20 October, before the second session of the Federal Council.
Dear friends and comrades,
I am completely sure that none of us here would be prepared to lie to himself, much less to other people, by expressing satisfaction about the current situation of the Party.
We are all in a state of unease, to say the least: a state which exists whatever each individual may think of the events of the last few years, and which conveys the drama of a long, difficult journey that we know has still to come to an end, but which is now drawing close to conclusion. A conclusion which we all fear, from our different -- and sometimes even contradictory -- points of view.
3.1. The choice to become transnational
It is my opinion that the decision to become transnational has always been, and remains, at the heart of this state of unease, for the decision to become transdivisional or cross-party serves the purpose of "transnationality": it is necessary, but not sufficient.
On this subject I feel I must reaffirm my own personal conviction.
It is a need which answers a strong desire for clarity, for extreme clarity, with myself and with you all. Otherwise I would not be able to examine the situation in which we find ourselves, to attempt to reach conclusions or to express judgements.
I am aware that it is difficult in politics to satisfy this need, and that it can be dangerous: not because of banal opportunism, but because of due caution, a precious and necessary quality, as well as a virtue in and of politics. It is, however, a risk that I must run and make you run with me: for you, at worst, it will be a waste of some of your time.
I am, and remain, firmly convinced that the decision to become transnational is the only possible decision in the attempt to save the Party, its values, its initiatives, its activity, its historical and ideological continuity, and which helps in such an active way to uphold democracy, the right to life and a life of rights.
I believe that it is perfectly right that other people should think differently. But this can not affect me -- the Secretary of the Party for more than three and a half years, bound by the decisions taken by the Party with the majorities laid down by the statute, least of all after the Budapest Congress.
If my conviction had been different, if it had faded or if it were to fade, I would not have agreed to be Party Secretary and I would not have hesitated, and would not hesitate, to hand in my resignation.
3.2. A hope entrusted "to others"
However, to be convinced -- firmly convinced, as I am -- about the choice made by the Party does not necessarily mean to be equally convinced of the successful outcome of the choice. I have on many occasions -- starting in Budapest -- expressed the reasons, some of them evident, that make a positive outcome, or even an adequate and satisfactory outcome, highly improbable. In fact a positive outcome is so unlikely that it is best defined merely as "a hope", supported -- it is true -- by the validity of our analyses and our judgements, by our convictions, our commitment and our resources, but entrusted essentially to others.
The Budapest motion calls for support from "all the forces of democracy and tolerance, in every country, and in particular the ruling classes and their freest and most responsible exponents", aware as we were and as we are that we cannot be the ones to give life and vitality to the "New Party", the transnational Party. The reason we cannot do so lies not only in the proven inadequacy of our resources, but also in the unsurmountable contradiction that we ourselves are not and cannot be -- as we were and as we still are -- the transnational force that we aim to be.
In the history of the Party, the success of Radical struggles and initiatives has always involved "other people", who have assured positive outcomes.
In the past this kind of active and direct involvement of other people took the form of moments in the life of the Party, moments which came to an end when the particular initiative reached its conclusion, to be replaced by a different initiative that involved different people, and so on and so forth.
The involvement of "others", therefore, was not identified with and in the Party, but for the most part only with particular initiatives; it existed in part, but only for that moment.
The situation has now changed, for our proposal, our political initiative, is the constitution of the Party. This is the objective, this is the priority. The presence, participation, and direct involvement of "other people" in the Party is necessary in order to constitute it "as such" and to ensure its existence -- in short, to make possible the success of the initiative.
The need is still the same, but with one essential difference: now the presence, the active participation and involvement of "other people" is no longer the requirement of a particular moment, of an episode, which however important is limited and circumscribed, but the essential, indispensable condition in order to give life to the Party, to set it up with commitment and will.
The awareness of this different situation is one of the indispensable premises for an understanding of the situation of the Party as it approaches a time of new, unavoidable choices.
3.3. The assumption of "full congressional powers"
Another premise which demands extreme clarity, and which is indispensable for an understanding of the lines of conduct, the initiatives and the activities of this period -- and even more so of the attitude towards the future -- is represented by the significance, the importance and the value attributed by the motion approved at the Budapest Congress to the assumption of full congressional powers.
I realize that my insistence on a moment which now seems to belong to the distant past, and which I know some people believe to have been superceded by events, may well be irritating -- for me, however, without that moment, without those decisions, without that text, there was no reason, and there is no reason, for my commitment, for our commitment, now as in all these months, all these long, interminable days.
The power to assume "full powers" attributed by the Congress to the First Secretary, the Treasurer, and the Presidents of the Party and the Federal Council marks the acknowledgement of the end of the Party, as it was. And it was thanks to this acknowledgement that the Congress handed over all its powers to the "4 heads of the Party", in order to make the ultimate attempt to propose and request "other people" to work to bring about the conditions for the constitution of the "New Party". In this context, the handing over of "congressional powers" also involves the responsibility of those who assume them to judge the fitness and the adequacy of the conditions produced, in and with the attempt, for giving form and life to the "hope". Only this judgement can give them the power to legitimize the success of the attempt by convening the Congress and handing back the "congressional powers" to the "New Party", the transnational Party, constituted in this manner.
Otherwise, if these conditions are not met, the heads of the Party will have no alternative but to take the above acknowledgement further and formalize the end of the Party, once and for all.
The form, the time, and the outcome of this judgement are at the discretion of those who have assumed congressional powers, of their conscience and their sense of responsibility, and only at their discretion.
This explains the hesitation, the torment, and perhaps also the delay which preceeded the decision to assume full congressional powers -- initially so strongly urged but now a considerable burden.
3.4. The Party's relationship with the Italian situation
In the light of these premises, it is now necessary to consider what is undoubtedly an essential aspect of the matter: the Party's relationship with the Italian situation.
The Radical Party, that which ceased to exist in Budapest, has been aware since its birth of the "supernational dimension" of politics, with the certainty that this characteristic would become more and more evident and necessary and with the desire to affirm this in concrete terms. This has been the importance and the value of a Party which has never defined itself as "Italian". On the other hand, it is also true that the Party was born in Italy (whilst the "New Party" -- if it is constituted -- will have been born in Budapest, which is also not without importance), set up by Italian citizens; it has fought for many years in Italy, it has won the battles with which, to a large extent, it is still identified; most of the members, the officials, and the leaders have been Italian, as they still are, and the same is true of the funds which have allowed and supported the Party's activity.
It comes as no surprise, therefore, that as Italian citizens the majority of radicals are still interested and involved in what goes on in Italy, in the events that characterize Italian political life.
It is impossible to make a mechanical distinction, as an automatic consequence of decisions adopted, between the Party which has been, and which can no longer be, and that which can and must be. Such a distinction can only be the product of a slow and difficult action, which accompanies the concrete establishment of "the new", with a process of development and growth that alters, day by day, the conduct, the conscience, and the awareness of each of us.
This process involves a number of responsibilities that regard not only the First Secretary, the Treasurer, and the Presidents of the Party and of the Federal Council, and those who work with us directly, but also all those who have been part of the "leadership" of the Party and who have acquired and maintained, in different forms, important positions in the civil and political context of this country.
As far as we are concerned, the relationship with the Italian situation has certainly not been ignored or neglected. On the contrary, we have to recognize that it has had a considerable effect on the action to be undertaken in the promotion and the pursuit of "the new", also causing delays on the road to the main objective, that of forming a transnational force.
This is what happened, in fact, during the whole of last year, characterized by the energy devoted to finding a solution to the Party's financial situation, to the detriment of our political initiative, but also by a number of important "Italian" events.
Let us take just one example: the attention devoted to the process of change in the Italian Communist Party. The Federal Council of January 1990 -- shortly after the assumption of "full congressional powers" -- with the presence of Achille Occhetto and with the concluding motion, was an opportunity for them and also for us: had these opportunities been taken, there would have been much more important effects on the transformation of their party and on the possibility of changing Italian politics and creating the preliminary conditions necessary to ensure the constitution of the transnational Party in a concrete manner.
This attention was given, furthermore, with careful constancy and with timely initiatives, also towards other political forces and their exponents, in the attempt to increase and consolidate the Italian contribution to the "New Party", aware -- as we still are -- of the importance of the Italian situation, if only as a "reserve" of resources at our disposal.
In line with these needs -- and this is merely a further example -- was the energy devoted to the solution of the "Radio Radicale" problem, with the approval by the Italian Parliament of an ad hoc law and financial support of 20 billion lire over three years, as was the non-participation and the conduct of the Party on the occasion of the local elections.
It was a period of "committed waiting", a period which led, with the initial success in Italy of the enrolment campaign for this year, to the proposal outlined in the letter sent to members in December -- if this success had continued -- to convene the XXXVI Congress for the end of August of this year.
I have already explained why this proposal eventually turned out to be impracticable. Once again it was the Italian situation, with the repercussion of the effects of the Gulf War and the continual threat of early elections, which led to postponements and delays.
And yet it was an Italian event, the III Congress, which in February of this year allowed us to present the Party's "political project" for 1991.
An event which marked the passage from a phase in which the Italian situation was still pre-eminent to a phase in which the Party is attempting, directly and with absolute priority, to evaluate the relevance of the Radical proposal in other countries.
The continuation of the commitment to establish and develop relations with the political forces and their exponents to set up solid foundations in Italy for the achievement of the transnational goal, as well as to strengthen the contribution of the resources of the Italian "reserve", would in any case have led to further delays, in contrast with the speed with which the "New Party" was to be constituted.
This decision, too, was hindered in the first few months of the year by the development of the Italian situation, but was subsequently affirmed with the launch of the "political project".
In the previous phase, the attention directed to the Italian situation had not prevented our efforts to maintain a presence in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, within the limits of the resources available and the opportunites which presented themselves; similarly, with the preparation and the launch of the implementation of the "political project" for 1991, addressed principally to other countries, continuing attention was paid to the Italian situation.
This attention has been increasingly manifest in the direct and personal commitment shown by Marco Pannella, to whom, with the assumption of "congressional powers", the task and the responsibility of developing and maintaining "external relations" was transferred. As always, Marco has carried out this task with intelligent and constant dedication, for which we owe him our thanks. On the other hand, after the decisions adopted it was inevitable that the Secretary and the President, together with the Treasurer, would be taken up more and more with "internal", "technical and organizational" duties and responsibilities, which, like financial responsibilities, many people are reluctant to include in the "real sphere of politics".
3.5. The request to set up formal seats for discussion
With regard to the Party's relationship with the Italian situation, it is worth remembering that requests have been made more than once for the direct commitment of the Party "as such", and the need has been pointed to, "in the absence of rules", to set up formal seats in which to discuss and establish "the conditions" for the participation in Party activity of comrades who are not directly involved in our work on a full-time basis.
Our reply to these requests, in the terms in which they have been put forward so far, has been negative.
Above all because the direct involvement of the Party in political initiatives in Italy might have cast doubt on the cross-party nature of our activity, and would in any case have affected the Party's ability to pursue the transnational objective with absolute priority, inevitably reducing the amount of resources available. On the other hand, purely formal agreement to these requests might have had a negative effect on the Party's image.
All this, however, does not mean that the Party has been "absent" or "indifferent". On the contrary, it has always provided, as a service, the use of its instruments of communication and other resources, sometimes to a considerable extent, not to mention the participation or the presence of the Party leaders.
As regards the formal seats to "regulate" the participation of comrades in Party activities, this need cannot be satisfied without deciding on changes in its structure, which would involve new tasks and new jobs. This would give rise to a process that would not be compatible with the present structure, which assigns all responsibility for decisions on the direction, the forms and the terms of Party activity to the current heads, and only to them. To change the structure of the Party in this way, at the present time, would imply solutions that might turn out to be in contrast with, or an obstacle to, the final judgements of the current undertaking -- only the Federal Council can intervene on this subject, if called upon.
I have dealt in detail with the Party's relationship with the Italian situation precisely because the necessity to direct the commitment, the resources and the activities of the Party to the establishment of direct relations with politicians from other countries cannot lead us to ignore the existence of important questions relating to fellow members, whose active participation in the work of the Party could be an essential contribution -- unfortunately, however, it has not been possible to harness this participation.
3.6. A matter of difficulty: the relationship with the Italian situation
I have no intention whatsoever of identifying responsibilities, let alone of assigning blame, for these problems.
It is worth pointing out, however, that in the many meetings that have been held, on a wide variety of subjects, with detailed analysis, heated discussion and widespread, active participation, differences of opinion and conflicts have emerged; in my opinion, these are still related to the premises outlined above, the main point of difficulty being the relationship with the Italian situation.
3.7 The presence of the Party in Eastern Europe
Although largely taken up with the implementation of the "political project", the Party has still maintained a small though significant militant presence during the course of 1991 in a number of Central and Eastern European countries, thus following the indications of the Federal Council.
This is the continuation of an activity that for some time has been entrusted to comrades who reside permanently or for long periods in these countries (Marino Busdachin, Olivier Dupuis, Massimo Lensi, Paolo Pietrosanti and Antonio Stango) and who have been able, especially in Moscow, Budapest and Parague, to establish small groups which operate actively in their own countries.
The total number of members in these countries has decreased this year, above all due to the energy devoted by the above-named comrades to the "political project", which has delayed the beginning of the enrolment campaign, and also due to a stricter policy on enrolment fees.
However, there are substantial numbers of members in the Soviet Union, for example: as well as two members in the Supreme Soviet, one in the Soviet of the Republic of Ukraine and four in the Soviets of Moscow and St. Petersburg, there are members not only in the principal towns of Russia and Ukraine but also in the Caucasian Republics -- for the first time there is a substantial number of Moslem members (with over fifty in Azerbaijan alone).
To take another example, important relations have been established in Czechoslovakia at institutional level and with exponents of political forces. Those established with the ROI (Romany Civic Initiative) are particularly significant -- the ROI President and three ROI members of the Czechoslovakian National Parliament have enrolled. We have also started to make contacts in Romania, thanks to relations established in Hungary between the Romanian community and the Party.
With regard to the dramatic political situation in Yugoslavia, from the beginning the Radical Party has asked, partly through the presence of important Party members in Slovenia, for the immediate recognition on the part of the European Community of the Republics of Slovenia and Croatia. It has also denounced the reaction of those Western governments who, like Italy, for reasons of "realpolitik" have preferred to wait and see how the situation develops without working concretely for a new institutional framework in Yugoslavia or for the integration of Yugoslavia in the European Community.
Many events and circumstances that have taken place this year would normally have required the Radical Party to act. This has not happened, partly due to material difficulties and partly due to the decision to devote our energy to the "project".
Beginning with the initiative promoted by the Federal Councillor Roberto Giachetti by means of Radio Radicale, a few hours after the end of the coup in the USSR, the Party issued a manifesto-appeal, signed by the First Secretary, asking for "the immediate suspension of all death sentences, the commitment to abolish the death penalty in the Soviet Union, also excluding the possibility of the death penalty for the coup plotters".
This appeal has been signed up to now by more than two hundred well-known figures: parliamentarians, men of science, culture and art from the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Hungary, Poland, the US, Africa, Spain, France, Canada, and Italy, and by many European parliamentarians.
In the Soviet Union our comrades have collected the signatures of over one hundred well-known figures: these include scores of deputies of the Supreme Soviet, the Soviets of Moscow and St. Petersburg and the Republics, of democratic or radical inspiration. Two names will suffice as examples: Yuri Afanasev, deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and Elena Bonner-Sacharova, the widow of Andrei Sacharov, the human rights campaigner.
The text of the appeal was published on 6 September in "Komsomolskaja Pravda" -- a daily newspaper with circulation figures of almost 20 million -- which last week also published a long interview with Marco Pannella.
Amongst the other people who have signed the appeal are: Abdus Salam, the winner of the Nobel prize for Physics in 1977; the writer Gore Vidal; the historian Francois Fetjo; the writer David Grossman; and Emanuele Gazzo, the founder of "Agence Europe".
In Italy the manifesto-appeal has also been signed by: Flaminio Piccoli, former President of the Christian Democrat International and current President of the Foreign Committee of the Chamber of Deputies; Antonio Cariglia, Secretary of the Social Democratic Party; Renato Altissimo, Secretary of the Liberal Party; Alfredo Bioni, liberal, Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies; Achille Occhetto, Secretary of the PDS (formerly the Italian Communist Party); Giacomo Mancini, socialist deputy; and Massimo Scalia, head of the Green Group at the Chamber of Deputies.
Some of those who signed are present today: both members of the Federal Council and guests.
We hope that during the course of the next few weeks this initiative will assume the importance and the political weight that it is due.
In this way we will see whether it will be possible to make our initiative an effective tool for the final battle against the death penalty in the world, and at the same time an important stage on the path towards the constitution of the transnational Party.
Friends and comrades,
I have already described the current "state of the Party". And I have already described how and to what extent we have managed to implement the "political project" for 1991.
I have emphasized the difficulties encountered, those overcome and those which still remain, the delays and their consequences on the quality and the quantity of our work. The overall results are, to be perfectly frank, still inadequate, though once agian they are in many ways surprising and unexpected.
I have dealt in great detail -- perhaps in too much detail -- with the entire path of this phase of "transition towards the New Party", towards the transnational Party, because it is necessary, in my opinion, to recognize that many of the difficulties encountered and many of the reasons for delays are caused by a process of conversion which is impossible to accelerate beyond a certain limit.
This is why I have dealt at length with the Party's relationship with the Italian situation and with the comrades who live in Italy and conduct their political life in Italy.
Despite the concrete turning point of the last few months represented by the channelling of energies and resources into the launch and the implementation of the "political project", it is inconceivable that the Party, in its present state, should ignore
or totally exclude the influence of Italian matters from its own thought and action: the election campaign next spring, a campaign which has actually already begun, the attacks on the Constitution of the Republic by the President of the Republic Francesco Cossiga, the referendums proposed for the reform of the electoral system in the Senate and for the abrogation of the drugs law. And these are only a few examples.
My considerations of the relationship with the Italian situation are intended, therefore, essentially as a contribution to an understanding of the present moment -- a contribution which we owe, in my opinion, to the comrades and friends who reside and work in other countries, who undoubtedly find it more difficult to understand aspects of the situation of the party that may be "internal" or "historical", but which are necessary to allow the conscious and increasingly urgent and indispensable contribution to the consolidation of the common path.
Friends and comrades,
these three "little newspapers" -- which we have published in fifteen languages, which have been sent to, and we hope received in, all the countries of Europe, as well as a number of countries in Africa and North and South America, to all the elected members of the national, federal, and regional parliaments, to tens of thousands of other political or cultural figures and ordinary citizens who we presume may be more directly interested in the political proposal of the Radical Party -- these three newspapers constitute a small initial "patrimony", insufficient but unique, never before attempted, as far as we know, by anyone else. A patrimony which has been produced once again mainly by the "reserves" of Italian resources, by the internationalist dedication of the members of this Party, by that which the Party has created and built in the last thirty years of history, especially in this country, but which now, for the first time, must be turned entirely into transnational patrimony, the patrimony of the "
New Party" that we wish to and must create.
This patrimony -- even as this meeting takes place -- is still developing. We are still not able, here and now, to estimate its size, because we still do not have all the addresses necessary, and because the suspension of parliamentary activity in many countries and the dramatic events that have occurred in recent months have prevented or delayed its impact, also affecting the speed of "responses".
Only in November, in the second session of this Federal Council, will we be able -- I hope -- to give our judgement on this initial transnational patrimony, above all on the basis of the analysis of the response to our proposal from those to whom it is directed, and also of the development of our initiative on the abolition of the death penalty in the Soviet Union and of other initiatives which, in the meantime, will be undertaken in support of the overall "political project".
I have neither hidden nor attenuated the facts and the circumstances which continue to make it unlikely that our undertaking will succeed. However, there are indications that can still support and nourish our "hope".
In November, in order to be able to come to a decision about the possibility and the need to hold the Congress of Refoundation as soon as possible -- not later than February -- we must also consider the problem of enrolments.
Many of you will remember that the conclusions of the last meeting of the Federal Council, at the beginning of 1990, established a figure of 50,000 members (with the corresponding human and financial resources) as the minimum necessary to ensure the existence of the "New Party", the transnational Party. This minimum figure is also essential for the possibility of producing an estimated budget for 1992, the last year in which the Party can count on the contribution of state financing and of the Party members in Parliament, as a consequence of the decision not to take part in future elections.
Without the important contribution made by self-financing, the Party cannot continue to survive only on other forms of income and on its patrimony.
As we know, however, the increase has not come about. We have remained, at least in terms of quantity, exactly where we were before. But there is, in my opinion, a wealth of fertile ground for the necessary "explosion".
In 1990, for example, it could justifiably be hoped that the process of change in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was genuine, and that ten or twenty thousand of the almost two million members might have joined the Radical Party. The path taken by the PCI, and then by the PDS, was entirely different. The fact remains, however, that completely different forecasts (including official forecasts) were made by leading officials and organs of the PCI.
If there were a sudden "explosion" in enrolments from one or other of the nations or the regions, or if only hundreds, if not thousands, of parliamentary representatives and prestigious, democratic figures were to reply to the issues of the newspaper that are currently being sent out, then it is likely that we could begin to approach the aim of 50,000 members.
Before our proceedings begin, I would like to remember Libero Grassi, a friend who was also a comrade. Libero was Italian, Sicilian: members who live in other countries may not have heard of him. He was killed by the criminal violence of the Mafia because he was capable, right to the end, of great radical qualities -- of fighting for his rights and for the rights of others, often alone.
He was the victim of the violence that is continually fed by the irresponsible character of a culture, a society, a power which hides its own impotence, with arrogant shortsightedness, and which pretends, by means of "prohibition", to fight and defeat the traffic of drugs, which together with famine is one of the shameful tragedies of our time.
Let us turn our thoughts to Libero Grassi, to his courage and his sacrifice. I hope that our efforts are able to give an adequate response to the appeal that Pina, his wife, has sent to the General Council of CORA, announcing a few days ago that she intends to enrol in the Party for 1991.
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(1) In fact in January 1991 the Italian Constitutional Court consented to this referendum alone out of the three referendums proposed, for each of which five hundred thousand authenticated signatures had been collected as laid down by the law, thus scandalously precluding the possibility of citizens' voting on the introduction of the single-member system in Italy, though limited to only one of the two Houses.
(2) Contacts have been established with outside collaborators (IBM, experts in marketing and editorial strategy, heads of printing companies, area managers of international couriers etc.), while we have continued to collect the names of parliamentarians in Western and Eastern Europe. In the meantime this has been extended to the members of regional and federal parliaments and the democratic assemblies of all the other areas in the world. Thus direct daily contact has been established, via fax and telephone, with the relevant embassies and parliaments in order to find out the most suitable method and frequency for the mailing process.
3) The management of all the data on the addressees, and the setting up of the data base, has been provided with the necessary technical and organizational means. The word processing and word division programmes necessary for the translation, composition, video lay-out and printing of the texts to be edited in several languages are being acquired. This, however, means dealing with problems connected with the development of computer science, that had never before faced the problem of the composition and video lay-out of a newspaper in so many different alphabets. The problems of compatibility between different computers that are often incompatible due to the market have only been partially solved. A translator pool has been set up, thanks especially to the work of an outside consultant to the Party, who placed his knowledge of this sector - so pivotal for the development of the project - at our disposal. Perhaps even greater difficulties had to be overcome in the organization of the distribution to so many di
fferent addresses and so many different and widespread areas. The "printing phase" has begun - though it still needs a feasability study - and this has been made possible, at the experimental stage, thanks to the reliability and willingness of the company collaborating with us.
4) All the human resources working in the Party have been involved in the "project" and collaborated directly with those responsible for it. In particular:
Coordination of editorial activity and the Italian edition: Edmondo Paolini* and Danilo Quinto;
Coordination of translators and other language editions:
Sergio D'Elia, Alessandra Filograno, Basil Guissou*,Enzo Frustaci*, Sandro Ottoni*;
Organization and coordination of back-up computer systems
and maintenance of relations with outside collaborators:
Gianni Betto, Luigi Cimino, Luca Frassineti*, Dino Marafioti and Daniela Vacirca*;
Coordination of information regarding relations with the addressees: Alessandra Filograno and Anne Delorme*;
Coordination of addresses and maintenance of relations with outside collaborators: Antonella Dentamaro*, Angelo Lalli and Maurizio Turco;
Administrative coordination: Claudio Carnevali and Antonella Casu.
General and secretarial services: Daniela Cacace, Mimmo Curto, Antonella Giombini*, Fulvio Iannelli, Riccarda Meloni, Cristina Spina.
* The asterisks indicate new collaborators.
5) The first number of the newspaper was printed in: Polish (4,000 copies), Hungarian (2,000), German (6,000 ), Romanian (6,000), Spanish (6,000), Croatian (5,000), English (12,000), French (10,000), Czechoslovakian (2,000), Russian (10,000) Esperanto (7,800), Italian (46,000).
It was mailed to: 9 Austrian lander; 4 Belgian regional assemblies; 25 Swiss cantons; 14 German lander; one Spanish regional assembly and 16 autonomous communities; 22 French regions; 4 districts, 44 counties and 8 regions in Great Britain; 20 Italian regions; 15 Republics and 2 Soviets (Moscow and St. Petersburg) in the Soviet Union; 5 Yugoslavian Republics.
It was sent to 40,987 addresses in Italy: Party members and supporters from 1974-1991 and other selected categories of addresses at the Party's disposal.
There were reprints of the Hungarian (27,000 copies), Czechoslovakian (13,000) and Russian (55,500) editions: the first two in Budapest, by the Party offices; in Moscow, with the collaboration of journalists on Soviet newspapers.
Radical Party activists working in Budapest collaborated on the mailing, as well as those working in the European Parliament in Brussels, from where the newspaper was sent to the whole of Western Europe.
Mailing has been and remains the greatest problem. It is a question of covering the whole of Europe and we wish to extend it as far as possible to the names in our possession. Mailing to the current 300 places in four continents - for which a diversified system has been used: sending parcels by truck to Brussels, delivery to parliaments via air couriers or our own offices, postal services (letter and postal subscription) - requires a system of checks and controls that is impossible to operate from Rome alone. We are not at present able to guarantee the setting up of a "network" of parliamentarians and activists to contact the largest number
of addressees possible in and from every country to notify
them in advance, check that the newspaper has actually been
received and answer letters.
(6) The second number of the newspaper was printed in : Albanian (2,500 copies), Czechoslovakian (2,000), Croatian (6,200), French (11,643), English (15,700), Polish (4,300), Portuguese (6,100) Romanian (5,300), Russian (20,600), Slovenian (3,800), Spanish (8,800), German (7,500), Hungarian (2,000), Italian (54,000).
13,000 copies in Czechoslovakian and 27,000 copies in Hungarian were printed in Budapest; the printing in Moscow of the Russian edition was virtually doubled: 100,000 copies.
(7) General elections are scheduled to be held in Italy next spring, when the present government reaches the end of its term. These will probably be brought forward so as not to coincide with the election of the President of the Republic, to take place in July 1992.
The President of the Italian Republic, Francesco Cossiga, has for many months been publicly expressing his judgements and opinions on people, facts and situations via the mass media.
In the next few weeks the collection of signatures will begin for some referendum issues proposed by parties and movements.
