ABSTRACT: The transnational Radical Party's action for the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia. Recognizing these republics at this moment means halting the scenario of a great Serbia and the destruction of democracy in Zagreb and in the other republics.

(Vjesnik, 28 December 1991)

The recent positions of the (outgoing) Secretary of the United Nations and of the European Community against the immediate recognition of the independence democratically and justly proclaimed by Croatia and Slovenia, openly accomplices of the racism and militarism which oppress the Serbian population above all, its dignity and its history, should be opposed without reservations or false prudence.

Such positions are the repetition of the infamy and obtuse cynicism of the democratic Western countries and of the Society of Nations in the '30s, and foreshadow the same deadly consequences of that period. Nazism would have fallen in a few months' time and without tragedies (not major ones at least), had the winners of World War I, France and Great Britain especially, upheld the Treaties of Versailles when Adolf Hitler occupied Rhineland and proclaimed its annexation to Germany, and continued with the annexation of the Sudeten of Austria; in the meantime, with his troops and the fascist troops of Mussolini, he supported the "Serbian" coup of then, the one carried out by General Franco against the fully legitimate Spanish republic.

Unanimous, the British conservatives of Neville Chamberlain and the French "democrats" of Daladier and Laval, after having signed infamous treaties in Münich with Nazis and fascists (just as communism did with the Ribbentrop-Stalin pact) reacted only when they were directly attacked by these privileged interlocutors. The same occurred with Stalin's U.S.S.R. which was protected throughout the decades in its violence by an infamous interpretation of the Treaties of Yalta.

The Westerners of "real democracy" (in the sense in which the term "real socialism" was applied to communism and its empire), therefore, throughout the century, have upheld the real or supposed interests of their States far more than the ideals of democracy, legality, freedom and tolerance, and more than the emerging needs of the planet and of humanity.

The behaviour of the official Europe, of the Twelve, has in fact always been and is increasingly so, that which we deplore today for the situation in former Yugoslavia. Finally the scandal is emerging in a sufficiently clear way.

The "Westerners", NATO itself, have sided with the "tanks", with the torturers, the murderers of their populations and ideals, both with respect to Nazism, fascism, communism, the dictatorships of South America, Africa, the Middle and Far East: in Prague, Budapest, Teheran, Baghdad, Tirana, Riga and Warsaw; their only condition was that the dictators and the oppressors massacred their own and other countries, without directly or indirectly threatening the West and its most faithful allies.

For fifty years, their precious allies have been a certain kind of "pacifists", the pacifists of "Picasso's dove", the so-called partisans of peace, but also the "antinuclearists" during the Cold War and the "neutralists" between dictatorships and democracies (who prevented rearmament against Hitler and Mussolini and that against the U.S.S.R., intent in its imperial conquest of most of the world), who criticized Gandhi during most of his life and of his struggle as they criticized all nonviolents, pacifists who, unlike them, struggle for the political freedom of populations and individuals even when the dictators' strategy is showing a peaceful international aspect in order to better oppress and destroy the freedom of their people.

This is why the Radical Party, the first and until now the only party of Gandhian nonviolence organized as a transnational transparty, has, in these decades, struggled with its meagre forces (in a quasi-symbolic way in terms of effects until 1988), organizing campaigns and demonstrations also in countries oppressed by dictatorships, sympathizing with the populations, not with the regimes that oppress them. On the other hand, this is why, not only in the Italian and European Parliament, but also in the streets and among the people of Yugoslavia, throughout a decade we maintained that the crisis of the federation could be a crisis of growth rather than a catastrophe, though a radical European federalist choice ("Europe now") and a choice of political democracy, shaped on the two- or three-party Anglo-Saxon democracies rather than on the party power of continental Europe.

The Radical party is a strongly antinationalist, federalist and democratic party; its chief slogan is "for the life of rights and the right to life". But the choices coherent with these ideal objectives must be made (or not made) democratically by the peoples. They cannot and should not be imposed: in any case, they would not resist and would cause further tragedies.

The Radical Party has asked (and struggled for) the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia when their official position was that of a new confederation inside the European Community. Recognizing the new democratic republics then meant supporting this constructive, difficult but nonviolent, democratic but not irresponsible and demagogic policy. The more responsible forces of Serbia itself would have been stronger in the face of the racist offensive and the militarist and paleo-Bolshevik power of Belgrade, and of the dependence or alliance of Milosevic's party with the worst financial-military-industrial interests of U.S. and European milieus allied with it.

Recognizing them now also means preventing the Serbian project of causing the collapse of democracy in Zagreb and in all the other Republics, favouring the takeover of reactionary, irresponsible, intolerant, militarist and chauvinist forces, so as to remove "their" Serbia, their violent, bloody, uncivil and antidemocratic power from its increasing isolation. At the same time it means rewarding the courage, the force, the democratic and European intelligence, the growth of responsibility (including the international one) of the Croatian leading class as a whole, not just the class in power or at the opposition, and of the population attacked by the putschist army and by the European and Western cowardice.

This is why the Radical Party is increasingly "Croatian" and Croatian because European, because nonviolent, democratic, globally and European federalist, because along with the freedom and the rights of the Croats we are also defending the rights of the Serbian population and democracy, because they might pay a higher price than anyone else for this page of shame and violence committed in their name and imposed on its citizens. This is why, in at least ten countries, the parliamentarians who are members of the Federal Council have introduced motions and proposals of recognition in their parliaments, and many of them have undertaken hunger strikes in order to use the weapons of nonviolence as well, for the first time in their life. This is why we owe not only gratitude but concrete support to them, and especially the head of government Gregoric, the vice president Tomac, the former president Mesic, the ministers Budisa and Veselica and the dozens of members of the Croatian Parliament who have joined the tran

snational radical party, thus strengthening and honouring, not weakening, their reasons for belonging to the different Croatian national parties; in the hope that thousands and thousands of Croatian democrats, nonviolents, internationalists will follow their example.

This is why, lastly, faced to the cowardice of the U.N., of the U.S., of Europe and Italy, of all the political forces which deplore in theory the facts they determine in reality, the Radical party must aim higher, make the answer convincing and adequate.

It is not enough to earn oneself a clear conscience, with the left hand giving a small part of that which is stolen with the right hand. Certain "humanitarian" "courages" strike me as pharisaic, hypocritical and counterproductive.

The question is not going to Dubrovnik or anywhere else to take away the children, the sick, the mothers, the fathers from their land, so that the putschist army can better shoot and occupy the besieged cities. No. That would be too easy. The question, if anything, is taking our own children, our own sick, our own ministers, our own "friends", our own flags. Like we did in Osijeck. This is nonviolence, this is humanitarian, humanistic, democratic, tolerant and civil support.

In our countries, a press which is worthy of a "real democracy", on the one hand shows the horror of the war imposed by the army and by the criminals of war and peace who reign and oppress in Belgrade and from Belgrade. On the other hand, it is as if it showed one of those natural catastrophes, an earthquake, a fire, a hurricane against which it is commonly thought that nothing can be done if not "after", and that we have no political and institutional responsibles. The responsibility is thus ascribed to the putschist army, to the "irresponsibility of the two parts".

Our battles, like your reasons, are censored, to avoid the formation of a movement of public opinion forcing the government and their equally if not stronger pro-Serbs (such as the PDS, the former Italian Communist Party). Our hunger strikes, our parliamentary, political, militant initiatives are better known in St. Petersburg or in Bucharest than in Rome or Brussels (and sometimes even in Zagreb).

We give up in the face of such difficulties. The nonviolents are hardliners, hawks of justice and peace. The Radical Party now more than ever.

Therefore, thanks to an inspiration which I draw from the life and choices of Gandhi, in similar circumstances for a nonviolent, as soon as possible a number of us, including conscientious objectors and affirmers against the military service in their countries, will ask to wear the uniform of the Croatian defence and front line forces, and to carry out even the most dangerous unarmed services, conducting those nonviolent actions of dialogue and love for those who should be forced to attack and eliminate us.

By Christmas or shortly after I hope to be personally involved in this action, beside you, as one of you. As a Radical first of all, as well as as a European, an Italian and as a "Croat" for all the reasons above.

In the meanwhile, peace and fraternity to you all, Croatian brothers and sisters, companions and friends, and to the Serbian people, whose life and rebirth should be dear and necessary to us as well.