ABSTRACT: Interviewed on the "miracle" of the 30,000 memberships collected in a few weeks, Emma Bonino, elected secretary of the radical party at the Rome Congress [4-8 February 1993] says events of this kind "take place only rarely in the history of a country, when for partly inexplicable reasons the community suddenly recognizes itself in the doings of a few "fools", recognizes that it is possible to redeem oneself from the cynical and passive acceptance of daily compromises". Regarding the strike against the Amato government, it should be pointed out that the available resources in Italy are modest because of the reckless public spending and ruin of the state which majority, oppositions, unions and industrialists have all contributed to the same degree in bringing about." "When shall we have the intellectual honesty and the courage to recognize all this and tell the weaker parts that they are paying for twenty tears of mistakes of the political class, and not just of Amato?" Regarding abortion: "the years

that go by prove that the lay and tolerant approach promoted by the radical women and men was the best and most rational one to defend all women."

(NOIDONNE, April 6th, 1993)

Elected secretary of the transnational party barely two months ago, she has successfully conducted the membership campaign. "There is a great demand for politics", she says, and adds that she hopes for a "British" type of reform, with the majority system.

She is only 44 years old but she has done so many things in her life to fill a hundred years. Elected five times to the Italian Parliament, twice to the European parliament, arrested for civil disobedience for the activity of the Italian Sterilization and Abortion Information Centre (CISA) in 1975; organizer of the campaigns against the death penalty, in favour of the dissidents of Eastern Europe (she was arrested in Warsaw and Prague), against prohibition on drugs, for the extradition of Silvia Baraldini, for the recognition of the republics of the former Yugoslavia. She is secretary of the transnational radical party since last February when, in tears, during the last congress she accepted such a burdensome and delicate honour.

Her first twenty days as secretary have been hectic: she appeared on every television station and talked from every radio station: firm, persuasive, simple, passionate. In her own personal style, she asked the Italians to join the party at least in 30,000. "What if you fail?" a journalist asked her during a TV program. "I'll go scuba diving on an island in the Pacific" was her answer.

Q: You aren't going to that island in the Pacific after all. Are you happy?

A: It would have been a pity to go there after closing the Radical Party. I confess I'd still like to go, for a week perhaps. This campaign has been passionate but extremely demanding. I'm thinking, for instance, of the effort made by many old and new radical militants who gathered memberships 24 hours a day, answering at the by now familiar telephone number 06/689791.

Q: The radical party has accomplished the last of its "lay miracles". How much faith did it take to believe you would make it?

A: No doubt the 30,000 or so memberships which arrived in those days were the sign of a repressed desire for politics. In Europe the crisis of the left could turn into a crisis of politics. During the campaign for the 30,000 members I often said it would have taken a miracle. One of those miracles that occur only very seldom in the history of a country, when for a series of partly obscure reasons people recognize themselves in what a few "fools" are doing, when they realize it is possible to redeem themselves from the cynical and passive acceptance of daily compromises. I believe this is what happened in part. As to how much faith it took, I can't say. Perhaps, as much as was necessary to bring about the "miracle".

Q: The singer Caterina Caselli, popular in the seventies, joined the radical party because it is the first party whose secretary is a woman. Do you feel close to women?

A: I generally prefer to think of men and women as people, without distinction of gender. In Bosnia we are witnessing a new and dramatic fact: rape used as a weapon of aggression. This is one of the cases in which I feel close to women, with the women who tragically experience a tragedy which is already in itself undefinable. The situation of the Iranian women, who are the object of a systematic and codified discrimination for the very fact of being women, makes me feel particularly sympathetic towards those women. I could mention many more cases, regretfully. Wherever there are discriminating laws and cultures, I feel close to women, to men, to people.

Q: What do you think of the numerous unionists, workers and unemployed who on March 8th demonstrated against the Amato government and his economic and labour policy based on the demolition of the welfare state? Are you with them or against them?

A: I am against all those who use a legitimate protest in bad faith, while being co-responsible for the economic ruin of our country. Today all industrial countries are suffering an economic crisis with a consequent reduction of employment, and the national governments can intervene only marginally, with a policy of investments. The resources available in Italy for this purpose, however, are modest because of the reckless public spending and destruction of the state which majority, oppositions, unions and industrialists have all contributed to bring about in the same degree. When will we have the intellectual honesty and courage to recognize all this and tell the poorer parts that they are paying for twenty years of mistakes of the entire political class, not just of Amato?

Q: How do you view the Catholics' attack against law 194? Really dangerous or a facade? Would you suggest relaunching a depenalization of abortion at this stage?

A: I don't think there are any actual risks, as you say, that could lead to a reinstatement of prohibitionist laws on abortion.

The debate is whether or not to change the law. The problem is how. Those who want to abrogate it will have to explain to women how to readapt to the clandestine "market" of illegal abortions, which is precisely what the "historical radicals" have always fought against. The change I advocate instead is one according to which abortion would be considered an actual "medical intervention" to be carried out both in public and in private facilities. Today having an abortion in a private facility becomes an offence, whereas in the public structures, as a consequence of this situation, we are starting to hear about bribes taken to favour those who can pay to step up the procedure, whereas the women who have no money must endure the humiliation of intolerable delays...

What I am concerned about is the inflexible defense of the lay nature of the State, to bring back abortion to the inviolable realm of the individual conscience and responsibility.

It's like prohibition on drugs: as the years go by it becomes clearer that the lay, intolerant approach of the radicals was the best and more rational to defend all women. But party power was against women at the time, and regretfully it won...

Q: Are you a politics lover? How can you carry out a political activity in a party with 30,000 heterogeneous members who get together especially to contribute money? How can you discuss in a party which is always on the verge of an emergency?

A: Until yesterday, the radical party was a party with 2-3,000 members. When we launched the campaign "choose it or dissolve it" we reached a peak 10,000 members. Today the radical party is no longer yesterday's. It is no longer the party of abortion, of divorce, of conscientious objection. It is a new party, whose roots lie in the old one. For years the radicals' image was mistaken with their true identity. Twenty years of distorted information have created a party of zombies. Today, thanks also to this campaign for the achievement of 30,000 members, we have made ourselves known. The media space we have obtained has made us known (or correctly identified) to at least 30,000 people who have decided to recognize themselves and to join this party. For twenty days at least, from the end of the congress to February 28th, we have dealt with memberships every single hour and minute of the day. We had to find the strength and the necessary, indispensable, urgent instruments to live like a party, in order to be able

to confront the problems of Bosnia, Sahel, and major issues such as the environment, the international law, the problems of our time. We could not go on with 2,000 members in Italy and 10,000 in east Europe and in Africa. Does this mean that for twenty days we dealt with politics? I don't think so. The emergency, as you call it, for a party that finances itself with contributions and membership fees, is an obvious thing. I hope now we will have the opportunity to deal with the things we want to live for.

Q: What about the Radical Party? Will it enhance its transnational choice?

A: Yes, obviously. A party which counts 170 Italian MPs, 400 parliamentarians and government officials from over 70 parties and 40 different countries can only enhance the transnational choice. It clearly can't turn back to the "national" dimension, fortunately...

Q: And in Italy? Will you press to make Marco Pannella run for Prime Minister? The "saviour" of the country?

A: With the majority system...why not?