ABSTRACT: The end of the international bipolarity has placed the question of developing democracy in the world and of the United Nations System's inadequacy to confront the countless regional crises on the international agenda. The UN is in need of a democratic reform, and a parliamentary assembly needs to be created.

(AVANTI, 14 July 1993)

Transnational and transparty, the Radical Party is probably experiencing the most difficult crisis of its history, because now history is proving it was right. On the national scale: the system of the parties, based on the identification of representation and democracy and on the consequent consociate agreements, is falling apart piece after piece under our eyes. On the international scale: the end of bipolarity makes any policy that is not transnational unfeasible.

But is it enough for history to prove you were right? Isn't there the risk that while history proves you were right, politics will continue to say you are wrong? Many today, thinking of the "historical" radical political campaigns, tell Pannella (2), "Marco, you were right, if only we had listened to you..." But the same ones attack the radical leader whenever he dares defend the legislature, Parliament or the rule of law. In other words, the only good radical is yesterday's radical.

Emma Bonino (2), elected secretary at the last congress, agrees. We begin our conversation by commenting on the recent statements of President Scalfaro on the judges.

The "President is right", says Bonino, "the judiciary cannot shun its responsibilities. In the past it has been an integral part of the regime. But now there is a widespread desire for vengeance. Bonino mentions Sciascia's (3) words on the theft of truth and justice. During one of the many scandals, we discussed with Sciascia on political corruption. Sciascia said, "this isn't the problem. In the United States if Nixon makes a mistake, he is impeached. The most serious thefts are the thefts of justice and truth. But today upholding the rule of law is not a question that concerns only the single national policies". Therefore we decide to talk about the new transnational party. "The fact is", she explains, "that there is no such thing as 'national problems' any more. The very expression "foreign policy" is inaccurate. Most economic and environmental problems are transnational in scope. In consideration of this, the old form of the party proves totally inadequate. The Italian crisis contains all the elements of

the crisis of the West after the collapse of bipolarity. Party power, the corruption scandals, the party-church have all been possible also thanks to a global balance that has now come undone".

That's why transnational and transparty are two sides of the same coin. We radicals consider the Party as an instrument, nothing more. The less one grows fond of instruments the more one dignifies politics.

History proves you were right.

BONINO - Bipolarity was something everyone exploited. It allowed Europe to be passive, because the US was there in any case. But above all, it has created the illusion in the new generations that democracy is an acquired right, whereas we are increasingly realizing that democracy is something that needs to be conquered and upheld day by day. While communism has collapsed, tolerance and democracy have trouble affirming themselves. Everyone has "recorded" the fall of the Berlin Wall, but few have drawn the consequences of this.

Hence your proposal to reform the UN...

BONINO: From 1945 to 1989, the United Nations has intervened thirteen times for peace-keeping operations. From 1989 to 1993 there have been 13 more interventions, 5 of which in 1992 alone. Today there is a massive request for UN interventions, and this is because the old order has collapsed. But the United Nations hasn't changed since its creation 45 years ago. Its instruments are the same as when the world could still count on bipolar balance and on the "American planetary agent". The UN needs to be strengthened, i.e., democratized.

Q: How do you judge the proposal of extending the Security Council?

BONINO: It is a limited approach. Who should the Council be extended to? Germany and Great Britain, i.e. the richest countries? But the poor countries say that it is the most highly populated countries that should enter the Security Council. How do we answer that?

No, the solution is another one. At present the United Nations is an organization of executives. Therefore there is no legislative power. What we are suggesting is the creation of a permanent parliamentary assembly within the UN, initially with consultive powers.

Q: The utopia of a world government, in other words...

BONINO - It is a deeply-felt need. The problem is transferring the process of formation of national states into a supranational forum. In theory, no citizen self-administers justice because the State has the monopoly of the use of violence. This monopoly needs to be transferred to some extent to an international body that is to prohibit the various states from self-administering justice. A new "covenant" needs to be created which, instead of limiting the sovereignty of the individuals, will limit that of the states. What's the use of so many fine agreements when the UN materially lacks the means to enforce them? Let's take the example of ex-Yugoslavia. There are so many small dictators who are looking at what will happen to Milosevic with extreme interest: whether Milosevic will be a model or a warning largely depends on the international community.

Translator's notes

(1) PANNELLA MARCO. Pannella Giacinto, known as Marco. (Teramo 1930). Currently President of the Radical Party's Federal Council, which he is one of the founders of. At twenty national university representative of the Liberal Party, at twenty-two President of the UGI, the union of lay university students, at twenty-three President of the UNURI, national union of Italian university students. At twenty-four he advocates, in the context of the students' movement and of the Liberal party, the foundation of the new radical party, which arises in 1954 following the confluence of prestigious intellectuals and minor democratic political groups. He is active in the party, except for a period (1960-1963) in which he is correspondent for "Il Giorno" in Paris, where he established contacts with the Algerian resistance. Back in Italy, he commits himself to the reconstruction of the radical Party, dissolved by its leadership following the advent of the centre-left. Under his indisputable leadership, the party succeeds in

promoting (and winning) relevant civil rights battles, working for the introduction of divorce, conscientious objection, important reforms of family law, etc, in Italy. He struggles for the abrogation of the Concordat between Church and State. Arrested in Sofia in 1968 as he is demonstrating in defence of Czechoslovakia, which has been invaded by Stalin. He opens the party to the newly-born homosexual organizations (FUORI), promotes the formation of the first environmentalist groups. The new radical party organizes difficult campaigns, proposing several referendums (about twenty throughout the years) for the moralization of the country and of politics, against public funds to the parties, against nuclear plants, etc., but in particular for a deep renewal of the administration of justice. Because of these battles, all carried out with strictly nonviolent methods according to the Gandhian model - but Pannella's Gandhi is neither a mystic nor an ideologue; rather, an intransigent and yet flexible politician - h

e has been through trials which he has for the most part won. As of 1976, year in which he first runs for Parliament, he is always elected at the Chamber of Deputies, twice at the Senate, twice at the European Parliament. Several times candidates and local councillor in Rome, Naples, Trieste, Catania, where he carried out exemplary and demonstrative campaigns and initiatives. Whenever necessary, he has resorted to the weapon of the hunger strike, not only in Italy but also in Europe, in particular during the major campaign against world hunger, for which he mobilized one hundred Nobel laureates and preeminent personalities in the fields of science and culture in order to obtain a radical change in the management of the funds allotted to developing countries. On 30 September 1981 he obtains at the European parliament the passage of a resolution in this sense, and after it several other similar laws in the Italian and Belgian Parliament. In January 1987 he runs for President of the European Parliament, obtaini

ng 61 votes. Currently, as the radical party has pledged to no longer compete with its own lists in national elections, he is striving for the creation of a "transnational" cross-party, in view of a federal development of the United States of Europe and with the objective of promoting civil rights throughout the world.

(2) BONINO EMMA. (Bra 1948). President of the Radical Party, former member of the European Parliament, as of 1976 member of the Italian Parliament. Among the promoters of the CISA (Information Centre on Sterilization and Abortion) and active militant in the campaign against clandestine abortion. She was tried and acquitted in Florence. Participated in the conduction, on a national and international scale, of the campaign on World Hunger. Among the founding members of "Food and Disarmament International", promoted the circulation of the Manifesto of Nobel Laureates.

(3) SCIASCIA LEONARDO. (Racalmuto 1921 - Palermo 1990). Writer, author of well-known novels ("Le parrocchie dor Regalpetr", 1956; "Il giorno della civetta" 1961; Todo modo, 1974), but also known as a polemist, he took active part in the Italian civil life for at least twenty years. During one legislature (1979-1983) he was also radical member of Parliament, actively intervening in civil rights campaigns (Tortora case, etc.).