(THE PARTY new, N. 11, 27 july 1993)

Emma Bonino is the new Secretary of the Radical Party. Elected to the Italian Chamber five times and twice to the European Parliament, in '75 she was instrumental in creating one of the most important Italian structures in the campaign which, in a few years, was to create a more human and civil legislation by making abortion legal. She organized, with other Radicals, the first initiatives, including parliamentary ones, against the use nuclear energy; she and Marco Pannella were the leading spirits of the massive campaign against death from starvation throughout the world. Bonino has also led many initiatives to uphold the human, civil and political rights of dissidents from the East - especially when it came to seeing that the Helsinki Treaty was applied in the case of refusniks - and also against the death penalty and prohibitionism with regard to drugs. As Secretary, she presented the political initiatives of the new transnational Party at the Sofia Assembly.

The Radical Party was always the one which upheld "a right to life and a life of rights". Now it is the "UN Party". What does this mean?

BONINO - It is unthinkable to try and face all the major international problems, which range from the environment to the different wars, without laws and without an authority to ensure that they are respected. In every democratic country relationships between individuals are not based on mutual love, but on a social understanding established between citizens. Each person limits their own independence to a certain degree, and entrusts the affirmation and protection of their rights to the appropriate State institution, the magistrature, which acts as "arbitrator". The magistrature possesses the democratic legitimacy and the necessary instruments to make sure laws are respected.

Is it possible for this type of structure to function at an international level?

BONINO - Good liberal and democrat that I am, I believe that the same model, based on democratic accord, has to govern peaceful coexistence between peoples. Neither must we illude ourselves that relations between different countries are founded on mutual love or joint economic interests. Even international relations must be subject to law. And I'm certainly not the only one to say this: since the end of the last war, a number of theories regarding this need have slowly but surely been affirmed at a political level.

Will this kind of project help us to avoid conflict, and problems arising from war and peace?

BONINO - Not altogether. Social understanding is necessary to control other situations, besides military conflict. Regulations and instruments of supranational government are also indispensable for dealing with other threats to peace and security, which have been described in some of the most recently published documents as more serious and pressing than the various wars being waged all over the globe, namely: poverty, overpopulation, and the challenges presented by the environment.

There was a lot of talk about the United Nations at Sofia. The UN, however, appears to undergoing a serious crisis. Why is it precisely this international body which has been chosen as the institution on which to found the "new world order?"

BONINO - The UN today is certainly an inadequate structure for dealing with the problems we have to face. First and foremost, because it was formed in 1945: for forty years it has been the victim of disorder, of the terror of Yalta and of the conflicting vetos imposed by superpowers. Therefore, it was absolutely impossible for the UN to function as it should. World stability was maintained by the two superpowers which, in the midst of all that disorder, were able to guarantee - thanks to the balance of power directly related to a "balance of armaments" - conflicts being confined to a regional level.

But all this came to an end when the Berlin Wall crumbled...

BONINO - Exactly. The East-West conflict no longer exists, but it is precisely because of this that requests for UN intervention have increased considerably. This is due to local conflicts, increased needs at a national level or other requirements... But the UN is still what it was forty-five years ago. This is why it does not possess the necessary instruments, starting with economic ones. Meanwhile, Russia finds itself in a situation with which we are all familiar, while the United States is wont to act in its own interests - which is perfectly understandable, and also quite justified.

In spite of the fact that the Yalta "balance of power" no longer exists, Europe unfortunately finds it very difficult to assume any kind of responsibility at an international level. To borrow a phrase from a Belgian minister, "Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf and a military nonentity."

So what can we do?

BONINO - Let me first give you a few figures: between 1945 and 1989, the UN was involved in 13 peacekeeping missions. Between 1989 and 1993, it embarked on the same number of missions - which is an exponential increase. Five actions were undertaken in 1992 alone. There are presently 13 peacekeeping missions underway, under the aegis of the UN. More than 50,000 "blue helmets" are scattered all over the world. But they are not under the actual command of the UN; the military contingents remain separate and are responsible to their respective countries. The nature of the problems involved, the complexity of the various situations and the difficulty in making people believe that supranational intervention really is "super partes", makes the above-mentioned structure impractical. This is more than evident from what happened in Somalia, where conflicts arose between not only between the military contingents themselves, but also between individual military forces and the UN. This has led to the UN committing a seri

es of errors; but mainly because of the aforementioned reasons. One must also bear in mind that a whole series of Articles in the UN Charter, from Art. 43 onwards - i.e., those relevant to an international police force and to the International Committee of the General Staff - have not been enforced. We are now taking the first steps in the creation of a new international law: as often happens in cases as complex as this, the path has not been smooth. For twenty years, we Radicals were the only ones who requested that the "right to interfere" in a State's internal affairs be recognized. It is only now that UN is beginning to move in this direction, for example, with their initiatives in favour of the Kurdish people.

On the other hand, if the UN didn't exist we'd have to invent it. The real problem, therefore, is the strengthening and democratization of this international body.

What then is the Radical Party's proposal?

BONINO - The Radical proposal consists in the creation of a Parliamentary Assembly at the UN, modelled on the European Parliament, whose members are elected by public vote, and which has consultative powers (also binding, if it is possible to obtain this). The pre-1979 European Parliament, that of Altiero Spinelli, played a fundamental role in developing the federalist concept. This is why we are proposing a UN Parliamentary Assembly. It is for this same reason that we are not all that interested in the debate concerning the expansion of the Council.

Why is the Radical Party promoting an initiative for the creation of a permanent Court to judge crimes against humanity?

BONINO - At a political level, this proposal is directly linked to that of the ad hoc Tribunal to prosecute crimes in the Ex-Yugoslavia. A whole series of agreements against genocide and crimes exist, and there are also many consuetudinary laws which cover 24 international crimes. However, there is no institution authorized to judge eventual violations of these laws. It would be an extremely important step forward if violations of international laws were investigated and punished, in the same way that they are at a national level. If this does not come about, we can sign all the international accords and conventions we like because there is always a loophole for not actually enforcing them, as in the case of environmental laws. These agreements are nothing more than appeals to the goodwill of the people; well-meaning manifestos, or at worst leg-pulls.

The constitution of a permanent Court would be the first step in affirming, at an international level, that the "law" exists.

So far we have talked about agreements that must be respected and laws that must be introduced. There are also International Conventions, based on the current drugs policy, which must be modified. In what way?

BONINO - Having seen the results of 15-20 years of prohibitionism, we feel that it really is time to take a completely new line with regard to drugs. In our opinion, the initiative that is most pertinent - from Bolivia to Kazakhstan - is the denouncement of the Vienna Convention. Isn't it time, after 20 years of prohibitionism, to give legalization a try? Without laying down the law, of course. If it doesn't work, we can continue to discuss the problem without prejudice.

You also spoke of drawing up new conventions. In which area?

BONINO - The most hazardous situation seems to me to be that of the major European waterways, starting with the Danube, which through its link with the Rhine could become an important centre for European development, especially from a strategic point of view: ships that have to reach the North Sea from Suez would save about 2,700 km. if they sailed through the system of major waterways that pivots on the Danube. So far, this system has not been governed by any valid international convention. The Radical Party's proposal is that a treaty be approved and an Authority set up for the administration of this important waterway, which would deal with the rates and the commercial aspects and also, let it be understood, environmental issues. Notwithstanding the importance and general appeal of this project, it has not yet been identified as the means - which it undoubtedly is - of uniting the whole of Europe.

But how will it be possible for the Radical Party to finance all these initiatives?

BONINO - The long period of administration characterized by a mandate conferred on the so-called "quadrumvirate", came to an end at Sofia. This era may have finished, but it does not mean that the existence of the Radical Party is guaranteed for ever. Today we are in a position to operate as a company; and, like a company, we must have an income - deriving from an honest source, naturally. I can therefore see us rolling up our sleeves again in January, in our yearly struggle to obtain members. But it is right that we do this: in fact, it seems to me that living off an unearned income, obtained more or less legally, has not produced positive results as far as other political organizations are concerned. All the initiatives we have spoken of, and others we have not mentioned - which I certainly have no intention of neglecting - from the AIDS initiative to the international language project; from the Trans-Balkan initiative to the campaign for the closure of dangerous nuclear power stations in the East, can onl

y be undertaken if Italians and citizens throughout the world believe that they are valid; and decide to join the Radical Party, precisely for this reason.