by Angiolo Bandinelli (1), Roberto Cicciomessere (2), Gianfranco Dell'Alba, Olivier Dupuis (3), Luca Frassineti, Silvja Manzi, Maurizio Turco

purchaser liable under art. 3 of bill 515/10.12.93

LISTA MARCO PANNELLA-RIFORMATORI

CLUB MARCO PANNELLA via di torre argentina 76 - 00186 roma

ABSTRACT: The texts contained in a paperback publication circulated by the Lista Pannella/Riformatori during the campaign for the election of the Italian representatives to the European Parliament (12 June 1994).

The booklet is divided into four parts: part one points out the objective complicity of the Community Europe towards the Serbian aggression against Bosnia; part two points out the failure of the Treaty of Maastricht; part three outlines the 17 objectives of the Lista Pannella/Riformatori; part four lists Italy's defaults towards the European Union.

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Your grain of folly...

The fact is that today no great problem concerning the economy, the currency, the social link between our development and that of the poor countries, defense, the environment, scientific and technological development, can still be seriously addressed with national criteria and means.

(...) The activity in favour of a European federation is an activity in which forces from all European political families participate, it is culturally inherent in the radical way of thinking. It is no coincidence that one of your teachers, Ernesto Rossi, was also one of the founders of the European Federalist Movement. You should therefore be capable of assuming this initiative, enriching it with your enthusiasm and your grain of folly.

Altiero Spinelli (4), 31st Congress of the Radical Party, November 1985

Sarajevo like the Warsaw ghetto...

Mrs President, Mr President of the Council, Mr President of the Commission, dear colleagues,

our Union and our Parliament are to Sarajevo, civilization and human dignity as the world and Europe were to the Warsaw ghetto.

All the rest, I believe, is unimportant.

Our Parliament is a puppet Parliament, which has dishonoured itself.

We need only see the series of betrayals of our own positions that represent the decisions we have made, one after the other, to achieve a management of community affairs which, as in the past, does not in the least reflect the Treaty of Rome nor its principles, not even the one on which we asked the electors to vote. This Europe, Mrs President, is a Europe we do not recognize.

It is truly the Europe of party power, the Europe of the political practices of which we are perhaps succeeding in getting rid of in Italy.

We hope to achieve this same result also at the European level.

I believe it is necessary to do so here, considering that for the moment this Parliament is ruled by people who steal legality, hope and dignity.

Marco Pannella (5), European Parliament, 4 May 1994

EUROPE EITHER DIES OR REVIVES IN SARAJEVO

by Olivier Dupuis

Your vote is decisive for Europe and therefore also for Italy. We are no longer in 1984, nor in 1989. And it is not just a question of time that has gone by, or of lost opportunities. Since then, since the European Parliament approved the Spinelli project in 1984 and Marco Pannella relaunched the project for a European constituent assembly in 86-88, which was then rejected by the heads of states and of government of the Twelve, a series of events have taken place in Europe and in the world and, unfortunately, also tragedies which have radically changed the political context and the very conditions of the campaign for the birth of a federal and democratic Europe.

Since then there have been the perestrojka, the glasnost and then the fall of the Berlin Wall, the first free elections in the countries of the former Soviet empire. Five or six years filled with events, great moments - with the exception of the terrible episode of Tien An Men - of freedom and liberation. Then things changed.

The situation has progressively become extremely violent. The troops of the racist and fascist leader of Belgrade, Milosevic, have invaded Slovenia first, then Croatia and Bosnia; in the meanwhile they have subjected Kosovo to a true state of war, depriving ninety percent of its citizens of every civil right, driving hundreds of thousands of people from their workplace, forcing dozens of thousands more to migrate. That Europe which ten years ago hoped to be federalist, which five years ago finally discovered to be free and unified, has already disappeared.

Today Europe is different, it has changed. We are no longer faced to the arrogance and indifference of yesterday, when, just to make two examples, the "leaders" of then (many of whom are still in office) rejected our proposal to launch a Marshall plan for democracy and sustainable development of Sahel Africa, or when they did not even consider our proposal - which we had advanced already in 1980 - of offering EC membership to Yugoslavia as a means to help its democratic reform. The irresponsible arrogance of those who considered themselves the victors is replaced today by the arrogance of the defeated, the cynical arrogance of those who have already surrendered the founding principles and reasons not only of the European project, but even of the democratic project "tout court" as well as their own personal political project. This is the central point: it is not just the absence of a federal Europe that is responsible for the resistible rise of the aggressive national-communism of the regime of Belgrade, and

of the many who see in it an ideological and operative reference in any part of the world. Nor is it the Europe of the Twelve, as an institution which is not yet invested with sufficient powers to be able to confront such situations. These are precious alibis, used by the Member States but also, in an opposite interpretation, by many federalists in order to avoid facing their own responsibilities in a situation that reminds us of the thirties. The origin and the basis of the tragedy in the former Yugoslavia are our own democracies, incapable as they were in 1930 in Münich to understand that their own foundations were being destroyed in Vukovar, Dubrovnik, Osijek, Mostar, Sarajevo and Gorazde.

From Brussels to Strasbourg, we should continue, with every available means, to operate with the aim of bringing our states, the European Union and the international community, back into the law and justice, failing which democracy not only becomes pure declamation, but even the breeding ground of its opposite.

We shall start precisely where the European institutions and, even more, the States that form it, have assumed the most irresponsible as well as shameful of attitudes: that in relation to the regime of Belgrade.

Overthrowing Milosevic's regime and bringing Yugoslavia (Serbia-Montenegro) back to democracy is the indispensable albeit insufficient premise to restore to the 12 Member States or to those of them who want to, the opportunity to start a new process towards the creation of a federal and democratic Europe, a Europe based on justice and freedom, a non-Eurocentric Europe, not based on material wealth. In other words, a United States of Europe.

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Olivier Dupuis

Olivier Dupuis was born in 1958 in Ath (Belgium).

He graduated in political and social sciences and is a member of the Radical Party since 1981. Active already in the early eighties in the campaign against world hunger, he participated in several non-violent initiatives, following which he was arrested several times in Belgium.

In 1982 he started a five-week hunger strike to urge the application of the "Survival Law", which was then voted by the Belgian Parliament with a vast majority. In April 1982 he was arrested in Prague, kept in prison three days and then expelled after distributing flyers in Saint Venceslaw square in favour of democracy, the right to live and the rule of law. In September 1985 he was arrested in Dubrovnik, kept in prison three days and then expelled for having distributed thousands of flyers in several Yugoslav cities, requesting the immediate adhesion of Yugoslavia to the European Community.

Convinced that both military defense and the so-called civil alternative were incapable of confronting the real threats to peace and security generated by the absence of democracy in eastern Europe and by the failed respect of the right to survival in the southern part of the world, in October 1985 he was arrested and imprisoned for desertion. Sentenced to two years of prison, he was kept in the prison of St-Gilles and later in Louvain. He was released after 11 months of prison and sentenced to two more years to serve with a non-governmental organization. After 1987 he visited the countries of central Europe where the Radical Party is carrying out a campaign with the "Wolnosc i Pokoj" Movement (Peace and Freedom) for the institution of conscientious objection in Poland.

At the end of 1988, despite the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain, he settled in Hungary, organizing the first groups of radicals in the Soviet empire.

He spent New Year's Eve in 1991 with Marco Pannella in the trenches to defend the city of Osijek, besieged by the Belgrade army. The radicals reached the front line wearing a Croatian uniform as a visible demonstration of their support to the aggressed part at a time in which the European community, under the pressure of France and Great Britain, refused to recognize the republics of the former Yugoslavia, siding de facto with the aggressors.

He has been working since 1992 at the creation of an international court against war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia.

In 1993 he coordinated the campaign for the recognition of Macedonia.

In July 1993, in Sofia, he was elected president of the General Council of the Radical party and moved to Brussels to coordinate the Radical Party's activities in Western Europe.

In March 1994 he started a 28-day hunger strike to ask the United Nations Fifth Commission to pass the budget of the "ad hoc tribunal for war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia" and its inclusion in the United Nations' ordinary budget.

For the European elections he stood as candidate in the following districts: North West (n·1), North East (n·2), Centre (n·4) and South (n·3).

BEYOND MAASTRICHT, SO THAT EUROPE CAN COUNT MORE

by Gianfranco Dell'Alba

The Twelve have been incapable of responding to the challenge that came after 1989, the challenge of a democratic, prosperous and united Europe after 45 years of Iron Curtain.

The European Union decided by the treaty of Maastricht is already old and obsolete, with its inefficient, obscure and anti-democratic procedures. It is incapable of supporting the entry of new countries that are asking to join, or of reacting to the economic recession, to the unemployment that concerns more than 18 million European citizens and the violent surge of nationalism and racism.

The federal vision of a Europe of the peoples seems to have been replaced by the model of a Europe of sovereign states, concerned about keeping their prerogatives.

The Treaty of Maastricht, which introduced common competences in relation to foreign affairs, security and defence, and on domestic affairs, judicial cooperation, immigration and asylum, has then left them in the exclusive sphere of inter-governmental cooperation.

A formula that means, simply, that the European Parliament, and the national parliaments themselves, have nothing to say on the issue.

As far as the economic and monetary union is concerned, the other major innovation decided in Maastricht, the idea of wanting to create the conditions for a monetary and economic union in the absence of adequate means for the effective coordination of the economic policies and the lack of will of many countries - often for different reasons - to achieve such means, has strengthened the positions of those who believe that the schedule for the achievement of a single currency is unrealistic.

The European Union decided with the treaty of Maastricht remains far from the citizens, who fail to understand how it works, ignore who decides on their behalf and who is in charge of the executive and control functions. It appears to be incapable of providing concrete solutions to the problems we face, ambiguous on the political aims of the European construction, incapable of effective action on the international scene.

And yet, no problem of our time that directly concerns the life of citizens, of the Europeans, and that concerns unemployment, economy, industry, trade, energy, agriculture, fishing, the differences between the various regions, social alienation, health, transport and communication networks, information and telecommunications, the right of the companies, of the financial and banking system, health, environment, culture, education and training, is subtracted to the more or less extended competences of the European Union.

At the same time, none of the major strategic decisions in these sectors, that translate into concrete decisions for everyday life, is de facto the object of an open, democratic debate in front of the public opinion, where the European citizens and their elected representatives, both local, national or European, may have the opportunity to be informed in order to be able to decide, to influence the decisions that are taken, to participate directly in the decision-making process.

The national democratic structures have ceased being the fora of the important choices in relation to economic, monetary or international policy, without being replaced by similar European democratic structures, contributing, among other things, to strengthening the parasitical and lobbyist aspects of the political system and of the life of the parties, of which we have had such a good example in Italy.

Thus, an opaque, technocratic power, dominated by the most important international lobbies - the only ones that can insert themselves in the narrow circle of those who are called to make decisions - accustomed to privileging and defending consolidated interests, now controls the centres of the European decision-making institutions; the progressive loss of competences and power by the national parliaments, which has objectively increased with the coming into effect of the Treaty of Maastricht, has not been matched by an increase of the competences and powers of the European Parliament. Margaret Thatcher and the anti-federalists are therefore right when they point out the arrogance of a power which is basically undemocratic and uncontrollable; they are wrong, however, when they deny the European Parliament the vocation of bridging this lack of control, of initiative and democratic participation, which cannot not be resumed by the national parliaments. A "European" legislation cannot be taken into consideration

and launched by the Twelve or Sixteen national parliaments.

It is necessary, therefore, to create a European democratic structure capable of regaining control over the sphere of the strategic decisions and therefore of the great plans addressing the general interests. It is necessary to attempt to defeat the Europe of the cowardice, the Europe of Sarajevo, of Kosovo, of Bosnia. These are the objectives, explained in detail below, which the elected representatives of the Lista Pannella/Riformatori will try with all available means to pursue if, thanks to your vote too, they will be able to sit in the European Parliament.

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Gianfranco Dell'Alba

Gianfranco Dell'Alba was born in Livorno on 24 May 1955. he graduated in political sciences, is a former United Nations official and is currently an official of the European Parliament, where he was Secretary-General of the mixed group first and then of the Green group.

Since 1979, year of the first election of the European Parliament with universal suffrage, he created and headed the structure to support the radical MEPs, actively contributing, in particular, to the international and parliamentary campaigns against world hunger, for the development of the "Spinelli project" of a treaty of the European Union and for a United States of Europe, for a just justice, for a sustainable development and to invest the community with a concrete environmental policy, to a radical change of the current prohibitionist regime on drugs, for a more active and effective role of the United Nations, and in this context for a common foreign policy of the European Union, in the resolution of international conflicts and for the creation of an international penal justice.

A radical and federalist militant, he is now secretary-general of the international assembly of parliamentarians members of the RP and member of the secretariat of the Radical Party.

He is also the coordinator of the International Antiprohibitionist League.

On the Italian side, he is a member of the Club Pannella and participated in the reformers' movement, convinced, also on the basis of his international commitment, that voting for the Lista Pannella/Riformatori on 12 June is a necessary vote also to step up the reform of the Italian political system in an Anglo-Saxon and federalist direction.

He is a candidate to the European parliament in the following districts: North East (n·1), North West and South (n·2) and Centre (n·5).

(I) THE DEMONS OF THE CENTURY ARE BACK

In Sarajevo as in Warsaw, against the Muslim population today as against the Jewish one yesterday: a population whose only fault is being Bosnian and Muslim.

The press, the parties, the Italian leaders, the parliament, cover themselves with shame, being the political, human, juridical accomplices for over a year of this massacre (...). The regime of Belgrade, in all its components, is a regime formed by war and ordinary criminals.

The Italian left, on this front, is even worse than the centre and the right. (...)

Before Sarajevo becomes like Warsaw, or its Muslim part like the ghetto of this city - which is taking place now - it is necessary to intervene with adequate measures and not with mere lip service (...).

Marco Pannella, 9 May 1992

HITLER, MILOSEVIC...

(...) Do you believe the young or the mature Adolf Hitler was any different or more important from any Milosevic, when he was elected head of the government among the (proportional) chaos or the Weimar Republic, amid a series of accidents, as in Belgrade? Germany then was a Germany without Rhenania, without the Ruhr, without anything, it was a Germany that was destroyed by the conflicting imbecilities of the extreme right and of the extreme left which both wanted the Great Germany in the same way: the Spartacists on the one side and the ex-combatants on the other...who could imagine? At this point, the logics of the military-industrial complex which were already dominant in the world, is faced with the proposal of relaunching the production of the Ruhr, of the steel, of the weapons in the world and in Europe, when, breaking the treaty of Versailles, he recovered Rhenania and the Ruhr to fight an "Abstract historical injustice", no one dared protest. They thought this would mean relaunching the military-indus

trial complex, the production of steel, of the great force of the great capitalist families of Western Europe. And therefore Rhenania could be sacrificed (like Kosovo today). After a while this applied to the Sudeten. Pity, but...The cautious attitude of London and Paris. If this monster is content with this, if we let him take the Sudeten as well, if we show tolerance, perhaps his aggressiveness will be subdued. The logic of the Leviathan instead is exactly the opposite: the more the monster eats the more it is insatiable, forced to devour. Immediately after Hitler takes Austria. There too, people applaud. But if the world endorses the legitimacy of Hitler's path, why should we wonder that the masses draw consequences from this?

Marco Pannella, Zagreb, November 1991

An announced tragedy

(...) Why not ask Yugoslavia what we are asking our countries? How can we not express the wish that the Yugoslavian republic immediately sign the Convention on Human Rights? The thing scares you. You don't want this to appear in the report. I have introduced an amendment in this sense.

Why not mention Kosovo? In Italy some people have spent four years in prison before being tried. Now everyone shouts this is unacceptable, not worthy of a European justice system, of the justice of a democratic state. Why not pose the same problem for Kosovo and why would our friends and comrades from Yugoslavia feel inferior if we told about them what we say about ourselves? (...)

Also, why not talk about the national-nationalist illusion and, on a cultural level, isolationist whereas we are here because we believe that, the states could solve the problem we are faced with? Why not say clearly that we advocate the association of Yugoslavia to our Community? This policy, worthy of 1814, this power policy, was fine only in 1814! Was it necessary that once again the myth of the national revolutions were paid homage to, whereas we are here to carry out a revolution against the foolishness of the nationalist and nationalist illusion? (...)

Marco Pannella, European Parliament, 8 March 1983

The way to freedom is inter-dependence

(...) It is impossible to transform a country with a population of 22 million into a market economy of human dimension. It is an illusion, because in 1992 the absence of every democratic control is the law of the economic jungle that will rule in our countries that will conclude agreements with the Comecon. This means driving a serious population and government towards suicide. (...) Yugoslavia is extoled because it is independent and non-aligned. But isn't France independent? Isn't Germany independent? The way to freedom is interdependence, not a useless dependence that stems from a romantic and nationalist conception which ignores the historical realities.

Marco Pannella at the European Parliament, 19 January 1988

But the European community is responsible for the failure.

(...) The Community, thanks to the position of its Parliament, is responsible for the painful and tragic failure of Yugoslavia. When we pretended to believe what we knew to be false for our countries, i.e. that economy markets can be sustainable in our time, we were hypocritically and coldly telling Yugoslavia: "Fine, remain non-aligned, remain independent" (...).

Marco Pannella, European Parliament, 17 January 1990

The future of Yugoslavia might have been different...

The European Parliament:

whereas:

- Yugoslavia is currently facing an unprecedented economic and social crisis, with a yearly inflation rate of 210%, a foreign debt of over $20 billion, and an unemployment rate of about 20% of the active population;

- the progressive worsening of the economic situation is accompanied by grave social revolts that trigger a process of destruction of the fragile balance between the nationalities and the Yugoslav Federate republics;

- the Community has the duty to contribute to the solution of the economic and social problems of Yugoslavia and help reduce the tension that will inevitably have repercussions on Europe;

asks:

- the Commission and the Council to propose to the Yugoslav authorities to evaluate jointly, conditions, circumstances and schedule of a process of membership to the European Community;

instructs.

- its president to forward the present resolution to the Commission and the Council, as well as to the governments of the Member States and to the Yugoslav government.

Draft "Declaration" presented by Marco Pannella (under art. 65 of the European Parliament Regulations) in November 1988

The aggressors and the aggressed at the same level

(...) The traditional war has always considered the victims among the civilians as involuntary, accidental victims: an airport was shelled and too bad if the bombs fell on the neighbouring houses. In the former Yugoslavia, instead, it is exactly the opposite; the objective is exterminating the civilian population., The bombs fall on children's playgrounds, snipers shoot on people queuing up for bread. In this context, rape and emasculation are weapons as effective as guns. And faced to this, the international community has preferred to pretend nothing has happened, placing everyone at the same level, the aggressed and the aggressors, and continue with truces and cease-fires that are continuously violated. What should instead have been said from the very beginning is that Serbia is the aggressor, that Milosevic is doing what Hitler did in Germany. And like then, Europe pretends not to see, continues with the usual policy of "supporting the strong man as long as he keeps the area under control", hoping that so

oner or later he will calm down. But Milosevic will not calm down, also because he knows he can do whatever he wants. Another principle that the Member States of the United should respect or they will be expelled, is that frontiers cannot be changed with the force of the weapons. And once the international community has recognized the independence of Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia, it cannot accept its borders being changed through acts of aggression and violence.

An interview with Emma Bonino (6), November 1993

As in the thirties, shame and tragedy

A Serbian soldier siding with the Croatians in the trenches of Osijeck asked her this question: why is Mother Europe forsaking us now that communism is disappearing all over the world? Because this Europe is not yet (or no longer) that of his or my dreams. Genetically, it is the offspring of the dominant class in Rome, Paris, London, of the Europe of shame and tragedy of the thirties, divided between a coward, imbecile and corrupt and suicidal policy of Daladier, Laval and Chamberlain, of the League of Nations on the one hand, and the intolerant, criminal Europe of Nazism, fascism and communism on the other.

Idiotic and corrupt politicians? Are they really all that way?

Intellectually corrupt, politically idiotic and incapable: I could even talk about François Mitterrand, but to keep to Italy alone, I would have to mention all those who have contributed, from the government and the opposition, to produce in these decades the occupation of Sicily, Calabria, Campania and of the cities on the part of an army formed by their clients and servants-masters; the tragedies of Somalia and Ethiopia; a consolidated public debt; to continue with the intolerable support given to the putschists of Belgrade. Gianni De Michelis, unfortunately for the Socialist Party and for us, is a name to be made with absolute conviction. (...)

Let's make a more or less absurd hypothesis. If you had had been minister of foreign affairs, would you have allows the people of your party to go to the front wearing a uniform?

If one of us had been foreign minister of our country, this would have meant that a bit of democracy was advancing to the detriment of party power. If the public opinion had been properly informed, all this crisis would never have taken place. The absurdity is not the hypothesis of a radical foreign minister, but today's ministers, their parties. (...)

An interview with Marco Pannella, 10 January 1992

(II) A sad and incapable Europe

(...) I support the ratification of Maastricht because I have to choose as a political antagonist either the Europe of Mitterrand, a sad and incapable Europe, or the Europe of the fascists and of the communists and of another type of people.

I say 'yes' but, in this situation, I am simply saying that we are voting no longer as a Parliament, but as a chamber where the deficiencies of a history, of an epoch and a culture which is not that of the Treaties of Rome and which the people who elected us entrusted us with.

Marco Pannella at the European Parliament, 15 September 1992

The cost of a non-Europe

(...) The cost of a non-Europe, in political and democratic terms, is intolerable and tragic. Its absence as an immediate alternative, already formally created and operative, could throw central and eastern Europe, which has just come out of the communist rule, into chaos and into an economic, productive, social disaster, forcing it to a sort of national-democratic "restoration" of a past that was one of the causes of the advent of the fascist and communist dictatorships. (...)

The "economic" and "cultural" unity, if it is not organized by a democratic and multinational state, based on human, civil and political rights of the individual, equal for all, in every country and in every part of the world, will be pure lip service. We will all be in the hands of the military-industrial, agro-industrial and food complexes, which are undemocratic and incapable of assuring the world any order worthy of such name, which for decades aimed at destabilizing the communist dictatorships and of the soviet empire and at destabilizing the world, firstly of the non-European and non "Western" areas, frantically providing weapons to the dictators of most of the planet, in primis Saddam Hussein, Menghistu, Assad, consistently with the old policies of Moscow and Prague.

Marco Pannella, 6 November 1990

CONTINUITY OF OLD FORMS OF IMPOTENCE

(...) "Democracy in a single country" or in a "single system of countries" cannot be achieved, just like (luckily!) "socialism in a single country" was not feasible. The problem of "real democracy" which risks being in relation with democracy as real socialism was to the ideals of the socialist and libertarian socialism, which in so many parts of Europe generated the tragedy of party power, should not be underestimated, unless we want to repeat the tragedy of the policies of Daladier, Chamberlain, Benes or Masaryk. (...)

To obtain this we need to fight with force, decision, urgency.

There can be no ecological, juridical, economic, social, cultural safety with the minimalist illusion, in the sad, infecund "realist" utopia, in the persistence of the divorce between "politics" and power. Some demonstrations that were to bring, also in Prague, something new, seem to represent instead the continuity of old forms of impotence (...)

Marco Pannella, 6 November 1990

A common language

(...) I therefore believe, Mr. President, that the problem of adopting a vehicular language, allowing both the owners and the users of the "imperial" language and the speakers of all other languages to have a language of common reference, leaving each language it latitude and opportunity of dialogue (...) is becoming urgent for humanity and for Europe.

Marco Pannella, European Parliament, February 1991

What's the use of a European Parliament?

(...) Why is the history of Europe of the thirties repeating itself? Because we have a European Community (...), an anti-democratic Europe in which the elected Parliament - freely - by the people is denied every single genuine parliamentary function. Perhaps you ignore, distracted friends from Azerbaijan, that this European Community, which is the emblem (or should be for all of us) of a democratic structure to fight against the authoritarian "federalism" we have experienced, this Europe os more and more incline to deny for the coming ten years at least - officially! - any decision-making power to the European Parliament. In fact, Mitterrand's terrible decline leads him to be the centre of an operation aiming to tamper with the reality of the European Parliament to transform it into a unitarian mechanism with the other twelve national parliaments. This is what the Socialist or the socialist areas want. And the International Socialist? The Liberal International? The Christian-Democratic International? And the

Environmental International? What are they doing? Where are they? How are they preparing themselves? (...)

Marco Pannella, Zagreb, November 1991

The East is asking for a political European union

(...) Why is a long-time federalist like myself, Mr. President, saying that enlarging the EU does not mean diluting it? Because the powers of Europe, today, are interested not in the European political power, but are only interested in seeing that the democratic political power do not disturb their national-conservative policies. Whereas the countries that are most in need are interested in a democratic Europe and a political Europe: only the poor and the humble, inside Europe, the East European countries, which are not asking for charity but for a political moment of equity and justice, for which a strong European political authority be in the conditions of not entrusting everything to the Bundesbank, in the best of cases, or to multinational groups that concern the national policies in the agro-industrial, military-industrial fields (...)

Marco Pannella, European Parliament, 16 January 1992

Europe is dying in Europeans' hearts

(...) The Europe of Luxembourg and Maastricht is, on the other hand, dying in the very heart of the Europeans. The populations of the former Yugoslavia are entitled to curse or despise it, just like the Israeli leading class and the "liberal" intellectuals of the entire Middle east had, starting with the Iranian ones and of every other Arab area, before their progressive extermination. The passive object of the German unification, of the major events in central and eastern Europe, of the Albanian tragedy, of the resistible rise of Saddam, Gheddafi and Mitterrand and Thatcher, of Kohl and Gonzalez, it has with Maastricht advanced in the uselessness of he "concreteness" and has regressed even more in the political certainty of the rule of law and of the democratic institutions.

Marco Pannella, 18 August 1992

THE OPTIMISM OF THE SILLY ITALIANS

No national party or cultural area shows any awareness or concern, international nature and modernity, coherence of European federalist beliefs, interests, ideas, ideals and vital strategies. The end of a regime means its involution. Not just the image, but the European and Italian identities themselves are destroyed by the factions and the ideological groups, the only homelands of themselves.

They ate concerned with other things: the corruption scandal and other national affairs. Once again, institutions and civil society are there, the faces of the same medal. We have become the co-authors of the non-Europe. The United States of Europe have been postponed to the Year 2000 or later. The economic and anti-political illusions of the Luxembourg Single Act, but even more the Treaties of Maastricht, in the optimism of the foolish Italians, have destroyed Europe, as such, from the international political scene. Its image, from beloved and fascinating, has become repelling and hated by too many populations or politicians, both in an outside its frontiers. We have gone so far as repeating the shame that make the otherwise resistible rise of Nazism triumphant and lethal, and the cynical and suicidal complicity with its horrors. The demons of the century are back, no longer in the form of ghosts, but as protagonists. History repeats itself. Like then, it is "Amerika" that foes to the Middle east, Somalia,

the former Yugoslavia, after asking Europe in vain. We need to move - the Italian government says - in coordination with the EC policy, which is non-existent (...).

Marco Pannella, 10 January 1993

de profundis

(...) If we were - as we should be but are not - in a temple of democracy, we could say, for instance, that with the excellent speech of our colleague Cot (president of the socialist group, ed.) and of their colleagues we are faced to the stage of a requiem or a de profundis. Clearly, these can be better sung because Europe and all European populations are burdened by certain defeats, they have the shameful tone of the arrogance that has characterized the part of this parliament of our European institutions (...)

If we were (but it is not so) a society governed by the rules of civil societies, you should have deposited you budget with the tribunal. Not only, often the offence would be fraudulent bankruptcy and therefore penal code, but unfortunately there is no efficient and true international penal law or jurisdiction.

Marco Pannella, European Parliament, 15 September 1993

(III) THE EUROPE WE WANT: our objectives

Today the confrontation is no longer between Euro-optimists and euro-skeptics.

Today the confrontation is between generic "Europeanists", who stress questionable feelings and reversible abstraction, which seem to depict "Europe" as a "destiny", a sort of Mystic Body or Communion of Saints, a "culture" which is careful to conserve its prerogatives, powers and sub-powers, disparities and injustices, "protected" democracies and "historically" realist democracies on the one side; and on the other, those who want to build, in a lay way, a European federalist, a rigorous democracy, a democratic state and society, starting with the immediate evolution of the EEC into European Union.

Marco Pannella, 6 November 1990

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1.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE SERBIAN REPUBLIC, MILOSEVIC, THE PRESIDENT OF THE SO-CALLED SERBIAN REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA KARADZIC, THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE BOSNIAN-SERB ARMY MLADIC, AND THE OTHERS WHO ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CRIMES COMMITTED IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA, MUST BE SENTENCED.

The International tribunal on war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia, recently inaugurated in The Hague, cannot just be the tribunal of the material executors. The persons responsible for the aggression against Croatia and Bosnia, the masterminds of ethnic cleansing, those who besieged Kosovo, seized power in Belgrade and transformed Serbia into a ruthless racist and fascist regime and all those who have legitimated criminal deeds in the form,er Yugoslavia mist be prosecuted and convicted.

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2.

EXPULSION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA-MONTENEGRO FROM THE UNITED NATIONS

DISAVOWAL OF THE STATE OF SERBIA-MONTENEGRO

IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL OF THE AMBASSADORS OF THE TWELVE FROM BELGRADE

With all available means, the military forces of the regime of Belgrade or of the "Greater Serbia" have denied any agreements with the European Union, which they had instead freely signed; not only responsible of the aggression against Croatia and Bosnia, of the state of siege in Kosovo, of the policy of ethnic cleansing, of every rules of the humanitarian and war law, starting with the rules on the civilian populations, on the treatment of prisoners, on the statute of hospitals,...the regime of Belgrade lacks any requirement to represent the Serbian people within the international community.

Its attitude towards the Blue Helmets, often shot on or taken hostage, is incompatible with the maintenance of diplomatic relations with Belgrade on the part of the Twelve.

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3.

IMMEDIATE ADHESION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA

NEW U.N. MANDATE TO DEFEND THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA FROM THE AGGRESSION

Fifteen years ago, when we - in vain - asked to admit the then federal republic of Yugoslavia into the European Community, as a way to assure a peaceful transition of this country to democracy. So much time has gone by since, and, unfortunately, a tragedy has taken place. This does not mean there is nothing more to be done, that the aggressor must not be stopped and the aggressor helped.

On the contrary, we must create the conditions to guarantee peace and security for this country, and which are the premises for the reconstruction of that region which is ravaged by three years of war.

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4.

PROTECTION OF KOSOVO BY THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

RECOGNITION OF THE GOVERNMENT FREELY CHOSEN BY THE POPULATION OF KOSOVO

FULL RECOGNITION OF MACEDONIA WITH THE NAME OF REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

In the South of Balkans, spared so far by the terrible tragedies suffered by Croatia and Bosnia, a number of political forces aim to involve new regions in the conflict to enhance their power on the national and international scene. These attempts must be stopped. A determined and immediate assistance should be given tp the states and the regions which someone would like to transform into the next sacrificial victims and into new weapons markets.

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5.

INSTITUTION OF A PERMANENT PENAL INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL

The tragedy that is taking place in the former Yugoslavia is not - unfortunately - the only one. Every month, every week and almost every day, our TV screens and the pages of our newspapers are filled with a new conflict breaking out in some part of the world. In these last months alone, in addition to the "television shows" of Bosnia, Rwanda, with thousands of victims, Burundi, Yemen, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh, Georgia and Abkhazia, Somalia and Angola...And in addition to these tragedies which have had the "honour" of being covered by the TV, there are dozens more conflicts. More and more, thanks also to the encouraging example given by Milosevic and the less encouraging answer of the international community, of the leaders, of the local or national politicians who feel entitled to enforce their own personal interest versus every rule of democracy and citizens' rights.

The must be stopped, all these would-be coupists must be taught that what they plan to do can no longer be tolerated by the international community, that their crimes, wherever they are committed, will be prosecuted and condemned.

FOR A DEMOCRATIC AND FEDERAL EUROPE

FOR A CONSTITUENT BIENNIUM

The next two years, which separate ys from the revision of the Treaty of Maastricht, scheduled for 1996, will be decisive. A constituent biennium begins: at stake are the life or the death of Europe. Precisely Italy will have the task of acting as president of the Union in the first semester of 1996 and managing this constituent stage.

The preparatory role of our government and of the European parliament os therefore decisive to win this challenge.

Only is sure and democratic "rules" are obtained can Europe exist and represent that space of democracy, prosperity and peace invoked by all, with world which are then denied by refusing to place the institutional reform at the top of their "European" agendas.

We believe this institutional framework hunger on three aspects: the global outlook, i.e. the desire to integrate the countries of central, eastern and Balkanic Europe into the current Union, overcoming the democratic deficit which paralyses and influences the life of the European Union, and proposing a European constitution, capable pf relaunching the European integration by a group of countries that want to take further steps in the direction of a federal union.

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6.

ENLARGEMENT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION TO INCLUDE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE AND THE BALKANS

By accepting the requests of membership of third countries, especially those of central and eastern Europe, which ask to enter the European Union, the actual unification of democratic bases of Europe at large would be fulfilled. It is a decision which the European governments have so far eluded, pretending not to see the problems.

Now is the time to choose the framework to give our continent.

It's now or never, realizing that this void will be filled by the "things", as in the former Yugoslavia.

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7.

EFFECTIVE POWERS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

DEMOCRATIC FUNCTIONING OF THE COUNCIL OF THE UNION

The political parties are multiplying their "European" proposals these days to eliminate unemployment, to relaunch the economy, to conserve the environment, to avoid wars. These projects, while commendable, are impossible without the political will to make them binding in an appropriate institutional framework. That is why with realistic insistence we propose an institutional method and strategy. The European Parliament must share with the Council of Ministers the power of legislative initiative, the powers of legislative co-decision and budget on the revenues and expenses according to a procedure guaranteeing the effective equality of the two institutions, associating the national parliaments as well. The European Parliament must exert a function of actual control of the economic and monetary policy of the Union, and must be elected according to a uniform procedure. The Council of the Union, which represents the States, must be formed by permanent delegations appointed and headed by a minister for the affai

rs of the European Union. The decisions of the Council of the Union must be made, with the exceptions, with the majority during the public sessions.

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8.

A PRESIDENT FOR EUROPE

THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION AS THE REAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION

CREATION OF A CONSTITUTIONAL FEDERAL COURT

Europe not only lacks a political line, it also lack a face. With a marginalized European Parliament, a subordinated European Commission and a presidency of the Council that rotates every six months, Europe does not identify itself into an of the existing organs, and lacks a safe point of reference. To ensure coherence of address and international image the Union should be given a President, elected for five years. The European Commission must keep its power of legislative initiative, losing that of "guarantor" of the legislative proposals of the European Parliament. The true government of the Union, submitted to the control and address of the organs that are democratically representative pf the Union. The members of the European Commission mist obtain the confidence of the European Parliament. The court of justice mist become a real federal constitutional court, with the task of knowing the conflict of competences especially in terms of subsidiarity; its jurisdiction must be extended in order to cover all f

ields of action of the European Union.

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9.

UNIQUENESS OF THE DECISION-MAKING PROCEDURES AND OF THE INSTITUTIONS

SINGLE SEAT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

The decision-making and institutional procedures of the European Union need to be unified. The foreign and security policy, and the policies for the coordination of domestic affairs must be placed under a single institutional framework.

The legislative sources need to be simplified and placed in a hierarchic order. The normative decisions must be divided into "laws" of the Union and the various categories of the execution texts.

It is necessary to merge the WEU and the European Union in order to guarantee greater strength and transparency to the functining of the defense policy.

The Union as such must have a single seat with the United Nations Security Council.

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10.

STRENGTHENING THE POWERS AND ROLES OF THE REGIONS

CREATION OF A FISCAL FEDERALISM

The regions must have the opportunity to appeal in their fields of competence. The powers of the Committee of the Regions must be enhanced. The regions must dispose of a direct access to the community funds to simplify the current complicated centralizing mechanisms.

The European Union cannot continue to live on the contributions of the Member States without am organic link between revenues and expenses. A system based on fiscal federalism must be adopted as soon as possible. Each level of power (European, national, regional and municipal) must finance its expenses with iys own revenues. This system must be completed with a system of economic support and the fair distribution of resources.

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11.

A EUROPEAN CONSTITUTION

ATTRIBUTION OF CONSTITUENT POWERS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

These indispensable reforms must be achieved through a Constitution of the Union, to be developed by the European Parliament in cooperation with the national parliaments, and ratified by the citizens of the Member States after being submitted to the Council and approved by qualified majority with a special procedure associating the governments of the Member States and the European Parliament.

If not all States endorse the project, the Member States that decide to continue at a higher speed creating a federal nucleus - the United States of Europe - negotiate the mutual relations with the European Union and its Members States that do not want to join the federal structure.

The Constitution would this be based on the recognition of a direct relation between the Union and the citizens, and the legitimacy of the Union would be based on institutions that are the direct or indirect result of the citizens' vote.

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12.

FULL, IMMEDIATE AND FREE CIRCULATION OF CITIZENS

HARMONIZATON OF THE CRITERIA OF RECEPTION OF THE CITIZENS

FROM THIRD COUNTRIES

But the re-definition of the constitutional framework, on federal and democratic bases, is not enough. The needs and the aspirations of the European citizens must be integrated into each process for the relaunching of the European construction, failing which we will repeat the errors of the past, creating a centralist, bureaucratic Europe. The right to free circulation in the countries of the Union must be made effective, the controls at the borders must be abolished, as should have happened since 1 January 1993, the possibility of working in any state of te Union must be encouraged.

The immigration and asylum policy must be included in the field of the common policies. The citizens of the third counties that legally enter a country of the Union must be allowed free circulation, the right to reside in the countries of the Union and the enjoyment of the social rights recognized to the citizens of the Union.

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13.

ADOPTING ESPERANTO AS A COMMON LANGUAGE IN THE EUROPEAN INSTITUTIONS

TEACHING OF ESPERANTO IN THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS OF ALL COUNTRIES OF THE UNION

According to the principle of subsidiarity, whereby each problem must be solved in the way that is most appropriate for its nature and proprio, the question of education has remained the competence of the national states. It is an approach that does not take into consideration the fundamental question of the communication among the citizens of the various countries and therefore the adoption of a common language and the organization of its teaching in the schools of the Union.

On the other hand, the institutions of the Union are also confronted to this communication problem; the absence of a common language force it to adopt expensive and not always reliable systems of interpretation and translation, and the problem is bound to increase with the adhesion of new nations. Only the choice of a common language, which could also act as the language of juridical reference, could allow this problem to be seriously tackled.

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14.

A EUROPEAN POLICY TO FIGHT THE DRUG TRADE

REVISION OF THE U.N. CONVENTIONS FOR A NEW DRUG POLICY

The war on drugs has been lost.

The prohibitionist regime which is currently in efefct has not managed to contain the spread opf drugs, which now circulated freely, whwreas it has given huge profits to the trad traffickers and the various "cartels" of the international mobs.

Every week there is some public pronunciation and legal deliverations that try to modify the current system. Each country tends to do its own thing, adopting internal measures and preventing the development of a common strategy to beat the organized crime.

Probitiong at the international level stems from thgree Un Conventions that have made it vinding worldwide.

A Euroean policy requesting the modification and/or repal of the UN COnventions to adopt an antiprohinitionist drug policy is necessary.

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15.

A EUROPEAN POLICY TO FIGHT AIDS

PROMOTION OF A U.N. CONVENTION ON AIDS

The global answer to the AIDS problem is still dramatically inadequate. There are still a variety of often conflicting policies, as many as the states that have decided to promote campaigns to contain the spread of the disease, to cure patients and protect HIV-positive people. These are huge problems, not just medical nut also social, juridical, which affect the signity of the human being, which are still treated in a unilateral and un-coordinated manner.

It is necessary instead to develop at the European level a common AIDS policy, and that the European Union become the promoter of a UN convention oin the issue.

Such Convention would, among other things, guarantee patients' access to the drugs that are available at accessible prices; promote the distribution of condoms; guaranatee an adequate information in schools and in the media; assure resources of safe blood in hospitals; appky syringe exchange schemes (70% of HIV-positives are drugs addicts); guarantee the safeguard of HIV-positives' rights to identiry and social non-discrimination.

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16.

A EUROPEAN MARSHALL PLAN FOR AFRICA

The European policy towards the develpoing countries is a failure under many aspects. The deterioration of the exchange relations and the systematic robbery of the resoucres of thoise countries - with few exception, on the part of the dominant oligarchies, supported or covered by theur "referees" in the Northern part of the world - have added to unprecedented periods of famine and drought. The collapse of the Soviet empire and the aspiration to democracy has further exacerbated the situation. An international and European policy decidinf to support these countries towarda a difficult transition is still lacking. Thus, Africa which was once the privileged field of the so-called cooperation policy of the Union has become the theatre of wars and genocides, sinking more and more into mysery and starvation. The econimies of these counteris must be reconstructed from the foundations; the program,s to fight powrvty and starvation must be given absolute priority; it is necessary to link the aid and cooperation polic

y to the resplect of human, civil, political and economic rights of the populations concerned, starting with the abolition of the death penalty. The European Union must also favour the relations with those countries that create regional gatherings on a federal base.

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17.

A EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENT CHARTER

The economic processes are still today characterized by the exploitation of environmental resources that are not unlimited and their depletion and deterioration represent a burden for future generations. These forms of pollution threaten the local ecosystems and the natural balance of the entire planet. Moreover, repairing the damage done to the environment is more and more expensive. But raising problems is not enough.

Environmental infrastructures must be created, financed by taxes and levies based on the principle that "those who pollute pay". These will create a significant number of jobs in the short term.

The commitments taken at the Rio Summit must be translated into material decisions, and the problem of the nuclear safety in eastern Europe must be solved immediately.

It is necessary to achieve a 20% reduction of the emissions of carbon dioxide by the Year 2000 and adopt saving and energy efficiency policies while using the fiscal system to discourage polluting productions and stimulate environment-friendly ones. It is necessary to invest in renewable resoures harmonize the national legislations, launch a directive for the civil responsibility for damage caused to the environment and strengthen intermode, railway and water traffic and discourage the one on wheels.

A revision of the regional and structural policies is necessary. In other words, a binding Environmental European Charter.

(IV) THE ITALIAN CASE

Strictly speaking, we are in favour of a United States of Europe, of a sovereign federal states, of a federal constitution, of a democratic state in which to enhance the independences, the liberties and the cultures can be enhanced and democratically organized, as it is or should be in the United States or in the new Russia formed by Eltsin's "radicals", buy the anti-Jacobin and anti-nationalist federalists.

Marco Pannella, 6 November 1990

47 years of "Europeanism" have taken us outside Europe

Italy's credibility in the European Union has been badly jeopardized over the last years. The controversies on te formation of the government resulting from the 28 March vote, apart from the "fascist" spectre, are the fruit of years of superficiality in the European government, mismanagement and corruption, which has strongly influenced Italy's image in Europe. A vague Europeanist commitment has been combined with inadequate policies in the use of opportunities and in accepting the obligations that come from the participation in the European Union.

We are paying the prove of a grandeur policy which has led our country, incorrectly boasted as the fifth world power, to pay more and become, so to say, the third net contributor to the casse of the Union. We pay more than we receive, albeit some of our regions are well beliw the European development average, and an unemployment rate which is among the highest in Europe and an agriculture that suffers from a serious structural crisis.

Financings are reduced

Moreover, EC financings are being cut because our bureaucratic apparatus is incapable of spending them: due to mismanagement we are forced each year to give back hundreds of billions simply because we are incapable of using them. 25% of the structural funds of the EC in favour of economically depressed areas had been allocate for Southern Italy for the 1989-1994 five year period. For the following five years, 1994-1999, the Italian share dropped to 17%, whereas Spain received twice as much as even Greece received almost a third more than Italy, which is also penalized because opf its inability to apply the EC deliberations and to organize the co-financing that are necessary to realize the projects sponsored by the Union.

We have avoided in these weeks paying a fine of over 2000 billion for having cheated the Brussels authorities for years and having declared, in the milk sector, a production that was much higher than the actual production, obtaining the corresponding financings.

Our exports are dropping

We are the country that commits the most infractions of the European legislation, the country that is most often sentenced by the community law. Our agricultural products find no position in he European internal market because the other countries have been more capable of adjusting to the rules of competitiveness. In Spain, for instance, the export of citrus fruit is regulated by a specialised authority. In Italy the 8.000+ citrus fruit producers must "adapt" with results that can be easily imagined. Our agriculture, especially in Southern Italy, has already been overriden by a common agricultural policy that has been developed and monitored by the major cereal and dairy product productions of Northern Europe, and today the highest agricultural income in The Netherlands is al least twice that of Italy.

Our steel production is penalized by the binding decisions, in this sector, of the Union's authority.

The relation between technological reasearch and development activity and the GDP is 1,4%, versus a European average of 2%. In our country, the relation between public debt and Gross Domestic Product is 116%, whereas according to the parameters established in Maastricht more than 60% is the requirement to be part of the economic and monetary union.

The payment of the interests on the public debt has absorbed, in 1993, 21,5% of the entire public expenditure, and the income of all indirect taxes - VAT, fuel, alcohol, cigarettes - has not been enough to pay for such interests.

Cleaning up at home to count in Europe

It is self-evident that it is easy to advocate rigour and respect of the Maastricht commitments after contributing for years to create the conditions for such situation. Consociativism was based on a system that produced currency by expanding the public debt beyond all limits. It is easy today to proclaim to be the champions of the low inflation rates and aim to the economic reclamation after losing the direct control (on the part of those who were in charge) and indirect (on the part of social parties, opposition parties, etc) of the public expenditure.

It is therefore necessary to count more in Europe, but this is possible only after completing revising the mechanisms of our presence within the European Union.

This is our hope, this is what we will continue to fight for. But to do this it is necessary for the European Parliament to have a strong federalist, reformist, democratic component, with an ambitious project, in line with the challenges of our time, the only realistic one.

---------------------------------

CANDIDATES OF THE LISTA PANNELLA RIFORMATORI FOR THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

-----------------------

NORTH-WESTERN ITALY

(Piemonte, Valle d'Aosta, Liguria, Lombardia)

1. DUPUIS Olivier

Ath-Belgio, 25-2-58

2. DELL'ALBA Gianfranco

Livorno, 24-5-55

3. PANNELLA Marco

Teramo, 2-5-30

4. TARADASH Marco

Livorno, 19-5-50

5. BONINO Emma

Bra, 9-3-48

6. PEZZUTO Vittorio

Genova, 16-8-66

7. TURCO Maurizio

Taranto, 18-4-60

8. PAGANO Giorgio

San Donà di Piave,

25-6-54

9. BAIOCCHI Lidia

Como, 29-12-45

10. BONALI Fabrizio

Borgomanero, 13-2-66

11. BORELLI Giovanni Maria

Genova, 14-2-53

12. BOVA Francesco

Pietra Ligure, 10-12-53

13. CASIGLIANI Iolanda

Pisa, 25-8-52

14. CUCCO Enzo

Salerno, 5-4-60

15. DELLA VEDOVA Benedetto

Sondrio, 3-4-62

16. FALLABRINI Marco

Genova, 10-12-44

17. IACHINI Paola

Genova, 14-10-61

18. INZANI Giorgio

Cremona, 21-9-41

19. REBAGLIATI Carlo

Stella, 26-4-34

20. RUGGERI Gino

Cremona, 19-2-66

21. SERRA Rita

Domusnovas, 3-5-53

22. SORBA Gabriele

La Maddalena, 19-4-68

23. STANZIOLA Marialuisa

Idria-Lubiana, 9-4-39

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NORTH-EASTERN ITALY

(Veneto, Trentino Alto Adige, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Emilia Romagna)

1. DELL'ALBA Gianfranco

Livorno, 24-5-55

2. DUPUIS Olivier

Ath-Belgio, 25-2-58

3. PANNELLA Marco

Teramo, 2-5-30

4. BONINO Emma

Bra, 9-3-48

5. TARADASH Marco

Livorno, 19-5-50

6. TURCO Maurizio

Taranto, 18-4-60

7. VESCE Emilio

Cairano, 17-5-39

8. BUSDACHIN Marino

Umago-Istria, 26-7-56

9. CARAVAGGI Paola

Piacenza, 18-7-52

10. DANIELI Giuliana in SANDRONI

Verona, 14-10-37

11. FISCHETTI John

Melbourne-Australia, 11-3-58

12. GENTILI Marco

Roma, 2-8-54

13. LAMEDICA Giuseppe

Napoli, 18-9-46

14. MISCHIATTI Monica

Codigoro, 26-8-57

15. PILOTTI Alessandro

Forĺ, 8-7-67

16. ZAMORANI Mario

Ferrara, 28-3-51

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CENTRAL ITALY

(Toscana, Umbria, Marche, Lazio)

1. PANNELLA Marco

Teramo, 2-5-30

2. TARADASH Marco

Livorno, 19-5-50

3. BONINO Emma

Bra, 9-3-48

4. DUPUIS Olivier

Ath-Belgio, 25-2-58

5. DELL'ALBA Gianfranco

Livorno, 24-5-55

6. TURCO Maurizio

Taranto, 18-4-60

7. DI LASCIA Maria Teresa

Rocchetta S. Antonio,

3-1-54

8. DI ROBILANT Filippo

Roma, 3-3-59

9. STANGO Antonio

Napoli, 24-9-57

10. PAGANO Giorgio

San Donà di Piave,

25-6-54

11. DONVITO Vincenzo

Gioia del Colle, 20-2-53

12. FABRI Ruggero

Pesaro, 17-1-58

13. MAORI Andrea

Perugia, 24-8-60

14. MARZIALE Lucio

Bourgoin-Francia,

16-6-62

15. MASINI GINO

Pistoia, 5-4-46

16. RAMPINI Piercarlo

Roma, 23-3-57

17. TACCONI Umberto

Poppi, 29-12-52

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SOUTHERN ITALY

(Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria)

1. PANNELLA Marco

Teramo, 2-5-30

2. DELL'ALBA Gianfranco

Livorno, 24-5-55

3. DUPUIS Olivier

Ath-Belgio, 25-2-58

4. TURCO Maurizio

Taranto, 18-4-60

5. TARADASH Marco

Livorno, 19-5-50

6. BONINO Emma

Bra, 9-3-48

7. VITO Elio

Napoli, 12-11-60

8. PINTO Mimmo

Portici, 31-10-54

9. DEL GATTO Luigino

Fermo, 29-8-31

10. QUINTO Danilo

Bari, 10-2-56

11. CUSANO Giannino

Potenza, 27-10-49

12. CYTRON Muni Renato

Pescara, 12-9-50

13. DE MATTEIS Giuseppe

Torre S. Susanna,

21-9-54

14. DEL VENTO Claudia

Napoli, 17-12-51

15. GRIFONI Ariberto

Taranto, 5-3-56

16. LATERZA Gianni

Putignano, 25-11-54

17. MANZI Paolo

Foggia, 19-11-40

18. PISANO Vincenzo

Polistena, 8-6-46

19. PORCARO Andrea

Pianopoli , 17-4-49

20. PROVENZA Maurizio

Salerno, 28-3-56

21. STOLA ANGELO

Taranto, 21-4-24

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ISLANDS

(Sicilia, Sardegna)

1. PANNELLA Marco

Teramo, 2-5-30

2. QUINTO Danilo

Bari, 10-2-56

3. SCHMIDT Anna Maria

Tripoli-Libia, 3-5-37

4. PODDA Beppi

Cagliari, 4-1-49

5. LA SPINA Vito Leonardo

Messina, 10-3-57

6. MARAVIGNA Pietro Ivan

Catania, 23-7-63

7. MURRU Simonetta

Nuoro, 26-4-43

8. PERCOLLA Carmelo

Catania, 24-3-43

9. PUGGIONI Maria Isabella

Sassari, 29-5-37

10. TERI Guglielmo

Catania, 25-1-51

Translator's notes

(1) BANDINELLI ANGIOLO. (Chianciano 1927). Writer. Former member of the Partito d'Azione; secretary of the Radical Party in 1969, 1971 and 1972; he was also treasurer of the party for five years. In 1979 local councillor in Rome, deputy in the ninth legislature. For many years, editor of several radical publications ("La Prova Radicale", "Notizie Radicali", etc), author of essays and articles relative to the history and the theory of the party, many of which are contained in the book "Il radicale impunito". Writes for newspapers and magazines and for Radio Radicale with notes and editorials.

(2) CICCIOMESSERE ROBERTO. (Bolzano 1948). Radical deputy belonging to the European Federalist Group. Conscientious objector, arrested and convicted; following his initiative, in 1972 this civil right was recognized in Italy. In 1970 treasurer of the Radical party, which he was also secretary of in 1971 and 1984. In 1969 secretary of the LID (Italian League for Divorce), member of the European Parliament from 1984 to 1989. Architect and organizer of "AGORA' telematica", multilingual computer communications system.

(3) DUPUIS OLIVIER. (1958). Belgian conscientious objector, surrendered himself to the Belgian justice system and served an 11-month sentence in the prison of Saint Gilles. Worked at the French-speaking edition of "Radical News". Organized and participated in nonviolent and antitotalitarian demonstrations in the countries of Eastern Europe, and was for this reason expelled from Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Currently coordinates the party's activities in Rumania and Hungary. Works at the project on the "New Party".

(4) SPINELLI ALTIERO. ( Rome 1907 - 1982). Italian politician. During fascism, from 1929 to 1942, he was imprisoned as leader of the Italian Communist Youth. In 1942 co-author, with Ernesto Rossi, of the "Manifesto of Ventotene", which states that only a federal Europe can remove the return of fratricide wars in the European continent and give it back an international role. At the end of the war he founded, with Rossi, Eugenio Colorni and others, the European federalist Movement. After the crisis of the European Defence Community (1956), he became member of the European Commission, and followed the evolution of the Community structures. In 1979 he was elected member of the European Parliament on the ticket of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), becoming the directive mind in the realization of the draft treaty adopted by that parliament in 1984 and known as the "Spinelli Project".

(5) PANNELLA MARCO. Pannella Giacinto, known as Marco. (Teramo 1930). Currently President of the Radical Party's Federal Council, which he is one of the founders of. At twenty national university representative of the Liberal Party, at twenty-two President of the UGI, the union of lay university students, at twenty-three President of the UNURI, national union of Italian university students. At twenty-four he advocates, in the context of the students' movement and of the Liberal party, the foundation of the new radical party, which arises in 1954 following the confluence of prestigious intellectuals and minor democratic political groups. He is active in the party, except for a period (1960-1963) in which he is correspondent for "Il Giorno" in Paris, where he established contacts with the Algerian resistance. Back in Italy, he commits himself to the reconstruction of the radical Party, dissolved by its leadership following the advent of the centre-left. Under his indisputable leadership, the party succeeds in

promoting (and winning) relevant civil rights battles, working for the introduction of divorce, conscientious objection, important reforms of family law, etc, in Italy. He struggles for the abrogation of the Concordat between Church and State. Arrested in Sofia in 1968 as he is demonstrating in defence of Czechoslovakia, which has been invaded by Stalin. He opens the party to the newly-born homosexual organizations (FUORI), promotes the formation of the first environmentalist groups. The new radical party organizes difficult campaigns, proposing several referendums (about twenty throughout the years) for the moralization of the country and of politics, against public funds to the parties, against nuclear plants, etc., but in particular for a deep renewal of the administration of justice. Because of these battles, all carried out with strictly nonviolent methods according to the Gandhian model - but Pannella's Gandhi is neither a mystic nor an ideologue; rather, an intransigent and yet flexible politician - h

e has been through trials which he has for the most part won. As of 1976, year in which he first runs for Parliament, he is always elected at the Chamber of Deputies, twice at the Senate, twice at the European Parliament. Several times candidates and local councillor in Rome, Naples, Trieste, Catania, where he carried out exemplary and demonstrative campaigns and initiatives. Whenever necessary, he has resorted to the weapon of the hunger strike, not only in Italy but also in Europe, in particular during the major campaign against world hunger, for which he mobilized one hundred Nobel laureates and preeminent personalities in the fields of science and culture in order to obtain a radical change in the management of the funds allotted to developing countries. On 30 September 1981 he obtains at the European parliament the passage of a resolution in this sense, and after it several other similar laws in the Italian and Belgian Parliament. In January 1987 he runs for President of the European Parliament, obtaini

ng 61 votes. Currently, as the radical party has pledged to no longer compete with its own lists in national elections, he is striving for the creation of a "transnational" cross-party, in view of a federal development of the United States of Europe and with the objective of promoting civil rights throughout the world.

(6) BONINO EMMA. (Bra 1948). President of the Radical Party, former member of the European Parliament, as of 1976 member of the Italian Parliament. Among the promoters of the CISA (Information Centre on Sterilization and Abortion) and active militant in the campaign against clandestine abortion. She was tried and acquitted in Florence. Participated in the conduction, on a national and international scale, of the campaign on World Hunger. Among the founding members of "Food and Disarmament International", promoted the circulation of the Manifesto of Nobel Laureates.