SUMMARY: Interview granted right after her nomination as European Union Commissioner and the controversy in the wake of her nomination over that of the Hon. Napolitano, sponsored by Cabinet member G. Ferrara. Bonino states that she is not able yet to give an assessment of her nomination, as she is too busy in New York, where she is at this time, following the parallel developments in the Permanent Penal Court and the moratorium on the death penalty, the two projects the Radical Party raised for discussion at the U.N. General Assembly. The debate over these initiatives is much more important than those over Tangentopoli (the kick-backs scandal) in Italy as they involve issues of universal importance. After ponting out that there is very intense struggle going on (in which, among other things, the U.S. is opposing the Italian position), Bonino makes an appeal for collecting 300 million Italian Lira to continue the campaign.

(IL GAZZETTINO, October 30, 1994)

Hon. Bonino, you have just been nominated Commissioner of the European Union, together with Professor Monti. Can you give us an on the spot comment?

"I still have to think about it. These days I can't think about much else than what I have to do immediately right here in New York, at the U.N.. At this very moment an extremely important debate is taking place, involving very important contents. It is a debate which is perhaps neglected in Rome, where they are still dealing with Tangentopoli and fights over majority coalition government. What is at stake here, in the debate going on at Permanent International Penal Court on crimes against humanity and the proposed universal moratorium on death penalty is the future of civil and human rights, and not only in Italy..."

What issues must be faced?

"As we predicted, there is very strong resistance, objections and doubts concerning the two projects. Unfortunately, they are coming from "great powers" such as the U.S. and Great Britain, while, for example, Canada, Croatia and Australia are in favor of our proposal. You can understand the difference in behavior. The great powers fear that a Permanent Tribunal, one which is endowed with a strong autonomy, can escape "political" and "diplomatic" control and those power games that usually take place to regulate pending business between nations, and even questions of rights. If, instead , the Tribunal's proposal will win, we'll have the possibility, or at least the hope, that some universal, 'objective' rules for assessing crimes and offenses against elementary human rights will be adopted. The same is true for the moratorium on the death penalty. Suspending executions, even for a limited lenght of time, means that you can demonstrate that justice can be exercised without having to use the blackmail of le

gal assassination, which serves no other function but that of reassuring people's consciences at a cheap price."

And you think, you'll be able to do it?

"We'll never be able to do it by ourselves. But I am counting on people's support. The New York Times published a (paid) full page advertisement containing the Tribunal's appeal, signed by 7 Nobel prize winners, and hundreds of international cabinet members, politicians and citizens from half of Europe. We are launching a new funding campaign to pay for additional urgent expenses. The first people who gave us money were Bertolucci and Zevi, as well as thousands of other unknown citizens. I would like to ask your readers to support our proposal by sending checks to the Radical Party, Via di Torre Argentina 76, 00186, Rome or by calling our number (06-689791) to leave their credit card number. If we are not able to swing it now we'll have to leave the field right in the middle of the battle."

Let's go back to your nomination as Commissioner of the European Union...

"I must thank Silvio Berlusconi personally for this nomination, and his resistance against the pressures exercised by the various political party

and the most aggressive allied forces. I think that to accept the nomination is a political tribute to the memory of the great anti-fascist liberal and democratic forces, from the Rosselli brothers to Ernesto Rossi, all fighters that the representatives of "institutionalized anti-fasciscism" of the so-called "constitutional array of forces", have tried to force into oblivion. The problem now is how to implement Altiero Spinelli's very lucid suggestions, which I intend to bring forward also as a way of correcting those distorsions to which Italy's image and its foreign policy are subjected today."