ABROAD AT HOME / By ANTHONY LEWIS
The Noble Experiment
BOSTON -- Practicality has been a feature of American life from
the start, and a reason for the country's success. Americans on the
whole eschewed ideology. We judged ideas by whether they worked. When
they didn't, we tried something else.
A strange contemporary exception to that tradition is the war on
drugs. By any rational test it is an overwhelming failure. Yet our
leading politicians persist in calling for ever more stringent
measures to enforce the policy of total prohibition, doing their best
to prevent even a discussion of alternatives.
In 1980, the Federal Government and the states spent perhaps $4
billion on drug control; today the figure is at least $32 billion. The
number of people in prison on drug charges has also multiplied by
eight: from 50,000 to 400,000.
Yet the use of forbidden drugs remains a reality of American
life. Supplies are plentiful despite costly attempts to stop the
production of drugs in other countries.
The human cost of the drug war is worse than the financial cost.
In 1996, for example, 545,000 Americans were arrested for possession
of marijuana, giving these mostly young people a criminal record for
use of a drug as accepted in much of their culture
as alcohol in ours. Thousands -- many thousands -- of people are
serving long terms in prison for a first, nonviolent drug offense.
But is there an alternative way of dealing with the grave human
and social problem of drug abuse? Yes, there is. It is explored in the
new issue of Foreign Affairs, in an illuminating article by Ethan A.
Nadelmann, director of the Lindesmith Center in New York, a drug
policy research institute.
The alternative is to acknowledge what Americans came to
understand about alcohol after 14 years of the noble experiment,
Prohibition. That is, as Mr. Nadelmann puts it, "that drugs are here
to stay, and that we have no choice but to learn how to live with them
so that they cause the least possible harm."
The harm-reduction approach to drugs is in growing use throughout
Europe. That includes a country as bourgeois and conservative as
Switzerland.
In 1994 Switzerland began an experiment allowing doctors to
prescribe heroin,morphine or injectable methadone for 1,000 hardened
heroin addicts. The results, reported last July, showed that
criminal offenses by the group dropped 60 percent, illegal heroin
and cocaine use fell dramatically, health was greatly improved, and
stable employment rose.
Swiss voters overwhelmingly support the policy. In a national
referendum in September, 71 percent of voters voted for it.
Another policy adopted in much of Western Europe, Australia and
Canada is to allow exchange of used needles for clean ones. This has
had an important effect in reducing H.I.V. infections. In the United
States, despite proposals for needle exchange by commissions starting
under President Bush, the White House and Congress have blocked the
use of drug-abuse funds for that purpose. The result, Mr. Nadelmann
says, has been the infection of up to 10,000 people with H.I.V.
Similarly with marijuana, the practice in much of Western Europe
is not to prosecute for mere possession. In the U.S., a commission
appointed by President Nixon proposed in 1972 that possession of up to
one ounce of marijuana be decriminalized. The proposal got nowhere, and
White House intransigence is unchanged. After Californians voted to
allow medical use, the White House drug czar, Gen. Barry McCaffrey,
hurried to warn that Federal law still made it a crime for doctors to
prescribe it.
"Most proponents of harm reduction do not favor legalization,"
Mr. Nadelmann writes. But "they recognize that prohibition has failed
to curtail drug abuse, that it is responsible for much of the crime,
corruption, disease and death associated with drugs and that its costs
mount every year."
A good many Americans, including police chiefs and doctors, believe
that it is time for a change in our failed drug policy. It is our
political leaders who are afraid to change. It will take someone with
the courage to say that the emperor has no clothes -- someone like
Senator John McCain -- to end our second, disastrous noble experiment.