Intervention d'Emma Bonino

Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs,

ce n'est pas d'un coeur léger que j'ai pris la décision de venir à cette tribune, grâce à laquelle j'ai pu dénoncer par le passé les méfaits d'autorités qui excercent un pouvoir sans partage dans des pays dépourvus d'institutions démocratiques; aujourd'hui je viens vous parler de mon propre pays, l'Italie, dont pourtant les traditions démocratiques et libérales semblent établies et certaines, pays fondateur de l'Union Européenne et membre du G7, le club des grandes démocraties mondiales.

Je viens demander à cette Commission de vouloir se pencher sur les violations désormais systématiques et gravissimes des droits civils et politiques dont mes concitoyens sont les victimes; je viens signaler le fait qu'en Italie les autorités institutionnelles ne garantissent pas le respect de notre Constitution ni d'autres lois, ni encore le respect des traités internationaux ratifiés en matière de protection des droits de l'homme. Bref elles sont horslaloi.

Je n'exagère pas. Je pèse bien mes mots et j'en assume la responsabilité. L'Italie d'ailleurs c'est un fait de notoriété publique fait l'objet d'une sommation du Conseil de l'Europe à cause de son système judiciaire, responsable de violations permanentes de la "Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales": rien que l'année dernière, 3.652 cas de violations ont été signalés dix par jour ! et 361 condamnations (une par jour !) ont été émises par la Cour de Justice. Durant les trois premiers mois de cette année l'Italie a déjà subi 173 condamnations. Deux par jour !

Mais ce n'est pas de tribunaux que j'entends parler. Je vous signale aujourd'hui les symptômes d'une maladie encore plus grave, qui atteind l'exercice même des droits constitutionnels, notamment dans le domaine du droit fondamental à l'information et à la libre manifestation et dans celui des droits électoraux démocratiques.

Il y a quelques mois, en vue des élections régionales du 16 avril prochain et des 7 référendums sur lesquels les Italiens se prononceront le 21 mai, nous souhations la présence en Italie d'une mission internationale d'observation électorale (à l'instar de ce que l'on fait dans les pays considérés à risque). Cette proposition, liquidée comme une boutade, permettrait pourtant aujourd'hui à des témoins indépendants de constater ce dont je vous parle.

L'impossibilité pour les partis italiens de présenter des candidatures dans le respect de la loi, tout d'abord, ainsi que l'impunité garantie pour ceux qui violent les procédures établies. Nous, les radicaux, qui faisons du respect de la loi un dogme, ayant constaté et dénoncé de nombreux cas d'illégalité dans la présentation même des candidatures, nous avons déjà porté plainte auprès de 83 parquets italiens et au Procureur de la Cour de Cassation (le dossier est à votre disposition). Cette illégalité aussi répandue que tolérée voilà ce qui est absurde n'est qu'une des conséquences inévitables d'une nouvelle loi électorale si mal conçue, tellement compliquée, que, s'ajoutant à la jungle législative existante, elle oblige les candidats ou bien à renoncer à se présenter ou bien à le faire de manière frauduleuse.

Des observateurs indépendants pourraient aussi constater l'absence en Italie d'une information loyale et démocratique. Alors que le secteur radiotélévisé privé est presque monopolisé par un seul entrepreneur, qui est aussi (encore une anomalie italienne) le leader de l'opposition officielle, le secteur public est depuis toujours rigoureusement contrôlé par le système des partis et notamment par ceux qui occupent des postesclé au sein de l'exécutif. Des lois existent, qui obligent le service public la RAITV à garantir à l'ensemble de notre société, aux électeurs aussi bien qu'aux partis et aux candidats, le droit à une information complète et impartiale. C'est d'ailleurs la condition préalable pour la réalisation d'une devise qui est chère à mon parti: "mieux connaitre pour mieux délibérer, pour mieux choisir".

Et bien, depuis un quart de siècle (comme nous l'avons documenté dans un autre dossier que nous mettons à votre disposition) le service public radiotélévisé viole les lois et manque à ses obligations visàvis des citoyens et visàvis des forces politiques qui, comme nous, se situent en dehors du "système de pouvoir " établi.

Monsieur le Président, au nom de mon parti je vous demande de vouloir considérer le "cas italien" sous tous ses angles. Nous sommes face à des signes inquiétants, à des derives que l'Europe risque à nouveau de sous-estimer, comme ce fut le cas déjà, il y a quelques decénnies, quand la démocratie italienne périclita. Combien de rats faut-il voire pour que la » peste camusienne soit perçue ?

Nous demandons à cette Commission de vérifier notamment si des engagements internationaux concernant la protection des droits de l'homme, ont été violés et, le cas échéant, de sanctionner ces violations. Nous vous demandons aussi, sur la base du rapport factuel que nous allons mettre à votre disposition, de vouloir mettre le cas italien à l'ordre du jour, afin qu'il puisse être traité par la SousCommission pour la promotion et la protection des Droits de l'Homme ainsi que par la Commission ellemême, dans le cadre de la procédure établie (Résolution ECOSOC n.1235)

Monsieur le Président, je vous remercie.

LA "LIBERA INFORMAZIONE" IN ITALIA

Premessa.

Che trattamento l'informazione televisiva ha scelto di riservare in questi anni al movimento radicale ? Non i radicali, ma un loro avversario politico, il Presidente della Commissione parlamentare di vigilanza sulla Rai Francesco Storace ha parlato, in proposito, di un "genocidio politico e culturale" a danno dei radicali.

Ecco i passaggi fondamentali dell'intera vicenda.

13 febbraio 1997. La Commissione parlamentare di vigilanza approva un atto di indirizzo nei confronti della concessionaria del servizio pubblico radiotelevisivo, nel quale si richiama la Rai-tv al suo duplice obbligo giuridico "di garantire ai diversi soggetti e alle diverse idee di essere rappresentati, e soprattutto di assicurare al cittadino il diritto ad essere completamente informato". "Ciò che rappresenta un dovere per l'intero sistema radiotelevisivo -recitava ancora quel documento- diventa un obbligo per ciascun mezzo radiotelevisivo gestito dal servizio pubblico, che motiva la sua esistenza (e il suo finanziamento attraverso il canone) nel suo essere dalla parte di ogni cittadino, evitando ogni subordinazione a partiti, poteri o interessi".

19 novembre 1997. La Commissione di vigilanza approva una risoluzione nella quale, "rilevata la pressoché totale assenza dai dibattiti e dai confronti televisivi dei temi sollevati con molteplici iniziative dal Movimento dei Club Pannella e dal suo leader", e "considerato che temi quali quelli della droga, del finanziamento pubblico dei partiti, delle riforme elettorali e gli altri proposti dalle iniziative del Movimento dei Club Pannella sono temi di interesse generale che non possono essere marginalizzati solo perché a proporli sono forze e movimenti fuori degli attuali schieramenti politici", chiede alla Rai "di inserire tempestivamente nella programmazione televisiva trasmissioni di dibattito e di confronto sui temi sopra ricordati".

I dati relativi alle reti Rai.

Lasciamo dunque la parola alle cifre per verificare come, in un ampio arco di tempo, il servizio pubblico della Rai abbia provveduto a dare attuazione agli indirizzi del Parlamento, oltre che agli obblighi derivanti dalle leggi, dalla Convenzione e dal Contratto di servizio.

Nella tabella 1 sono riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nei telegiornali della Rai nel periodo compreso tra il 20 novembre 1997 (giorno immediatamente successivo alla prima risoluzione della Vigilanza sul "caso radicale") e il 31 dicembre 1998.

Telegiornale Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti Lista Pannella Durata % TG1 5220 32h 24' 9" 17 7' 38" 0,39 TG2 4560 29h 38' 52" 58 30' 21" 1,71 TG3 5743 43h 18' 17" 31 21' 21" 0,82 Tabella 1- Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 2 sono invece riportati, con riferimento al medesimo periodo di tempo, i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di rete della Rai.

Rete Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % Rai1 910 70h 31' 24" 1 28" 0,01 Rai2 989 62h 36' 44" 4 11' 29" 0,31 Rai3 799 55h 46' 38" 6 12' 21" 0,37 Tabella 2 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 3 sono infine riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di approfondimento legate ai tre telegiornali della Rai (tg speciali, dossier, ), sempre nell'ambito dell'arco temporale 20 novembre 1997-31 dicembre 1998. Occorre subito sottolineare, a scanso di equivoci, che la consistenza appena accettabile del dato del TG1 e quella addirittura eccezionale del dato del TG2 sono pressoché esclusivamente dovute alle puntate di "Speciale TG1" e di "TG2 Dossier" trasmesse rispettivamente il 13 ed il 19 dicembre 1997, che è assolutamente indebito considerare alla stregua degli altri "passaggi", trattandosi di trasmissioni imposte dalla Commissione parlamentare di vigilanza a seguito della risoluzione del 19 novembre 1997, e quindi sottratte alla potestà decisionale dei dirigenti della Rai.

Telegiornale Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TG1 238 6h 45' 50" 2 6' 6" 1,50 TG2 151 4h 18' 15" 2 24' 9" 9,35 TG3 166 4h 53' 16" 1 2" 0,01 Tabella 3 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Come si vede, dunque, al di là di alcune rare eccezioni -che servono a confermare la regola- e al di là dei dati "alterati" dalle trasmissioni imposte dalla Vigilanza, ci si trova dinanzi ad un azzeramento pressoché assoluto. Ed è significativo sottolineare come, nei primi cinque mesi del 1999, con sporadiche eccezioni, la situazione sulle reti della Rai sia addirittura peggiorata. Lasciamo di nuovo spazio alle cifre.

Nella tabella 4 sono riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nei telegiornali Rai nel periodo compreso tra il 1 gennaio e il 20 maggio 1999.

Telegiornale Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TG1 1746 10h 41' 59" 14 3' 51" 0,60 TG2 1618 9h 48' 45" 34 16' 31" 2,81 TG3-T3 1528 9h 16' 17" 16 5' 7" 0,9 Tabella 4 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 5 sono invece riportati, con riferimento al medesimo periodo di tempo, i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di rete della Rai.

Rete Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % Rai1 376 28h 53' 33" 0 0 0 Rai2 381 36h 50' 54" 6 52' 43" 2,38 Rai3 453 18h 7' 15" 0 0 0 Tabella 5 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 6 sono infine riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di approfondimento legate ai telegiornali della Rai (tg speciali, dossier, ), sempre nell'ambito dell'arco temporale 1 gennaio 1999- 20 maggio 1999.

Telegiornale Numero complessivo di interviste politiche Durata Numero di interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TG1 153 8h 51' 54" 1 59" 0,18 TG2 34 1h 3' 17" 0 0 0 TG3-T3 183 4h 3' 4" 1 13" 0,10 Tabella 6 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

I REFERENDUM.

In queste condizioni di emarginazione dalla comunicazione televisiva, si è dunque giunti all'appuntamento elettorale delle Europee del 1999, rispetto al qualei radicali della Lista Emma Bonino hanno dovuto investire decine di miliardi di lire -mettendo in causa il loro stesso patrimonio- in spot pubblicitari a pagamento.

Grazie a questa informazione (comprata a caro prezzo, mentre a tutti gli altri veniva letteralmente regalata dall'intero sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico e privato), e alla popolarità di Bonino, la Lista Bonino ha raccolto il consenso dell'8,5% degli italiani. E, nei tre mesi immediatamente successivi, si è impegnata in una campagna referendaria su venti quesiti, raccogliendo complessivamente -avvenimento senza precedenti in Italia- più di 16 milioni di firme autenticate e certificate di cittadini italiani.

Bene, qual è stato il comportamento del servizio pubblico su questa iniziativa, centrata -è bene sottolinearlo- proprio su temi (legge elettorale, finanziamento pubblico dei partiti, lavoro, ma anche sanità, fisco, pensioni, giustizia, e così via) coincidenti con quelli che la Commissione parlamentare di vigilanza aveva riconosciuto essere sistematicamente censurati dalla Rai?

In circa 7 mesi (dal 20 luglio 1999 al 7 febbraio 2000), su 3 reti televisive che trasmettono per 24 ore al giorno, la Rai, su questi temi, è stata a mala pena capace di organizzare 4 trasmissioni di approfondimento politico, tutte regolarmente programmate in seconda o addirittura in terza serata: uno "Speciale TG3" il 29 luglio, uno "Speciale TG1" il 4 settembre, un altro "Speciale TG1" il 15 gennaio, e, infine, una puntata di "Porta a porta" (una trasmissione politica di Rai1) il 7 febbraio.

E quale sia il risultato di questi mesi di "informazione" lo ha efficacemente spiegato, proprio nel corso di quest'ultima trasmissione, uno dei più autorevoli sondaggisti italiani, il prof. Renato Mannheimer, secondo cui, in quel momento, ben il 75% degli italiani dichiarava di sapere "poco o nulla" sul contenuto dei quesiti referendari.

I dati relativi alle reti Mediaset.

Se è dunque gravissimo lo stato delle cose per ciò che riguarda il servizio pubblico, anche in ragione dei particolarissimi obblighi che lo riguardano, non meno cupa appare poi la situazione sulle reti Mediaset, il maggior gruppo privato italiano, che pure, giova ricordarlo, sarebbe tenuto a rispettare i principi fondamentali di "pluralismo, obiettività, completezza ed imparzialità dell'informazione" solennemente affermati dall'articolo 1 comma 2 della legge numero 223 del 1990. Anche in questo caso lasciamo la parola alle cifre: a mero titolo esemplificativo, riportiamo i dati relativi ad un intero anno di programmazione, per l'esattezza al periodo compreso tra il 22 maggio 1998 e il 20 maggio 1999.

Telegiornale Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TG5 1839 12h 59' 40" 17 5' 27" 0,70 TG4 2242 36h 4' 44" 30 18' 32" 0,86 Studio Aperto 592 3h 44' 6" 7 1' 29" 0,66 Tabella 7 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 8 sono invece riportati, con riferimento al medesimo periodo di tempo, i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di rete di Mediaset.

Rete Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % Canale5 784 31h 34' 1" 3 2' 9" 0,11 Rete4 389 9h 29' 29" 4 2' 42" 0,47 Italia1 281 16h 59' 50" 0 0 0 Tabella 8 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Nella tabella 9 sono infine riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nelle trasmissioni di approfondimento legate ai telegiornali Mediaset (tg speciali, dossier,...), sempre nell'arco temporale compreso tra il 22-5-1998 e il 20-5-1999.

Telegiornale Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TG5 44 1h 30' 17" 0 0 0 TG4 26 2h 1' 39" 0 0 0 Studio Aperto 402 21h 54' 31" 1 4' 17" 0,33 Tabella 9 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

I dati relativi a Telemontecarlo.

Gli ultimi dati di questo dossier sono quelli relativi a Telemontecarlo. Anche in questo caso, come per Mediaset, è opportuno considerare le cifre alla luce delle affermazioni fondamentali dell'articolo 1 comma 2 della legge numero 223 del 1990.

Nella tabella 10 sono riportati i dati relativi agli spazi di intervento diretto dei politici nei telegiornali, nelle trasmissioni di rete e nelle trasmissioni di approfondimento legate ai telegiornali di Telemontecarlo in un anno: anche in questo caso, a titolo meramente esemplificativo, ci riferiamo al periodo compreso tra il 22 maggio 1998 e il 20 maggio 1999.

Numero delle interviste politiche Durata Interventi di esponenti della Lista Pannella Durata % TMC News 1800 10h 7' 9" 3 32" 0,09 Trasmissioni di rete 169 12h 6' 11" 1 18' 2,48 Spazi di approfondi-mento legati a TMC News 125 6h 41' 46" 2 45" 0,19 Tabella 10 - Dati forniti dal Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva

Conclusioni.

Questi i dati che, comunque si voglia considerare la vicenda, dimostrano come l'intero sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico e privato si sia impegnato, in tutti questi anni, a dare attuazione ad un "decreto di espulsione" dal video di Emma Bonino, Marco Pannella e dei radicali.

Contro il "decreto di espulsione" i radicali hanno scelto di non rimanere inerti. Nel gennaio del 1998 e nel maggio del 1999, infatti, come accade da circa 25 anni, sono state depositate presso la Procura della Repubblica di Roma due nuove denunce nei confronti dei vertici della Rai per reati gravissimi, dall'attentato ai diritti civili e politici dei cittadini all'abuso d'ufficio, dall'omissione di atti d'ufficio alla frode in pubbliche forniture. Su un fronte diverso, poi, è stata ripetutamente sollecitata l'Autorità per le garanzie nelle comunicazioni, cui una legge dello Stato, la numero 249 del 1997, attribuisce il potere di richiedere alla Rai l'attivazione dei procedimenti disciplinari previsti a carico dei dirigenti che si siano resi responsabili del mancato rispetto degli indirizzi della Vigilanza. Quanto infine alla Commissione parlamentare di vigilanza, è stata nuovamente -e ripetutamente- investita dell'intera questione.

IRREGOLARITA' NELLA RACCOLTA DELLE FIRME PER LA PRESENTAZIONE DELLE LISTE ALLE PROSSIME ELEZIONI REGIONALI

In Italia l'attività politica è regolata da diverse norme, tra le quali troviamo la legge n. 108 del 1968 che attraverso successive modificazioni stabilisce il numero minimo e massimo di firme di cittadini da raccogliere al fine di poter presentare una lista alle diverse scadenze elettorali: da quelle circoscrizionali fino ad arrivare a quelle nazionali. Secondo la legge n. 43 del 1995, che regola specificatamente le elezioni per il rinnovo dei Consigli regionali del prossimo 16 aprile, quattro quinti dei seggi vengono assegnati con criterio proporzionale mediante circoscrizioni provinciali ed un quinto è assegnato alla lista maggioritaria vincente, il cui capolista è il candidato alla Presidenza della Giunta regionale. Il meccanismo prevede che le liste provinciali presentino una dichiarazione di collegamento con una delle liste che concorrono all'attribuzione della quota maggioritaria, così come quest'ultime devono presentare una dichiarazione di collegamento alle liste provinciali presenti almeno nella me

tà più uno delle province della regione. I partiti e i gruppi politici che presentano una propria lista a livello provinciale sono tenuti dunque a far sottoscrivere la propria lista su moduli che contengono l'indicazione della lista regionale collegata, mentre le coalizioni che presentano la lista regionale devono raccogliere le sottoscrizioni su dei moduli che riportano, unitamente alla descrizione del simbolo, l'elenco delle liste collegate.

La ratio di questo meccanismo è la tutela della volontà del cittadino che sottoscrive: chi firma per la presentazione di una lista non firma una delega in bianco con cui autorizza il partito o il gruppo politico a schierarsi con le forze del centrosinistra oppure con quelle del centrodestra oppure a presentare una candidatura autonoma.

Vere e proprie notizie di reato, riguardanti l'applicazione di questa macchinosa procedura, sono rintracciabili sui giornali dei giorni immediatamente precedenti i termini stabiliti per il deposito presso le cancellerie dei Tribunali. Tutti hanno letto che a poche ore dallo scadere dei termini nuove alleanze sono state definite, mentre altre venivano contestualmente stracciate, e che nella composizione delle liste c'erano candidati che uscivano da una lista ed entravano in un'altra: e tutto ciò mentre nei Tribunali si erano gia insediate le Commissioni preposte al controllo dell'idoneità della documentazione da presentare per l'ammissione alle elezioni.

Nella realtà, dunque, tutte le organizzazioni politiche a poche ore dal deposito non avevano ancora tutte le informazioni necessarie per stampare i moduli su cui raccogliere le migliaia di firme necessarie in tutte le province e nelle regioni a Statuto ordinario di cui si rinnovano i Consigli il 16 aprile prossimo: come sia stato effettivamente possibile provvedere a tutti gli adempimenti previsti nell'arco di qualche ora è cosa che meriterebbe un'approfondita indagine da parte dell'autorità giudiziaria.

E' per questo che è stata presentata alle Procure della Repubblica presso i Tribunali di tutte e 83 le province coinvolte nel voto una denuncia con richiesta urgente di sequestro probatorio di tutto il materiale depositato presso le Cancellerie dei Tribunali e delle Corti di Appello nei giorni 17 e 18 marzo scorsi. Analoga denuncia è stata inviata alla Procura Generale presso la Corte di Cassazione

La giustizia italiana e il rispetto del Patto internazionale sui diritti civili e politici

L'art. 27, secondo comma, della Costituzione italiana stabilisce che »l'imputato non è considerato colpevole sino alla condanna definitiva , e l'art. 14, secondo comma, del Patto internazionale sui diritti civili e politici che »ogni individuo accusato di un reato ha il diritto di essere presunto innocente sino a che la sua colpevolezza non sia stata provata legalmente .

Sempre del Patto internazionale sui diritti civili e politici l'art. 9, primo comma, prevede che »Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person , e, al terzo comma, che »Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release. It shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody, but release may be subject to guarantees to appear for trial, at any other stage of the judicial proceedings, and, should occasion arise, for execution of the judgement , e l'art. 14, terzo comma, lett. c), che ogni individuo accusato di un reato ha diritto »to be tried without undue delay .

A fronte di tali disposizioni, vincolanti e di fondamentale importanza, risulta che:

In Italia vi sono 51.862 detenuti, dei quali 24.267 (46.79 %) in attesa di giudizio (4383 da oltre 18 mesi) .

Negli ultimi dieci anni, dal 1990 al 2000, sono stati adottati dalle autorità giudiziarie italiane 17.923 provvedimenti di scarcerazione per decorrenza dei termini di custodia cautelare , e ciò nell'ambito di un sistema processuale che prevede la possibilità di tenere una persona in custodia cautelare anche fino a 9 anni.

In Italia un processo civile dura mediamente più di sette anni ed un procedimento penale 1210 giorni (7 o 8 anni se si tiene conto anche dei tempi processuali "morti" e si ignorano i procedimenti contro ignoti archiviati nelle fasi preliminari).

Il numero dei reati prescritti è in fortissimo aumento. Nel solo 1998 sono caduti in prescrizione più di 130.000 reati, dimostrazione che il cattivo funzionamento della giustizia ha ripercussioni negative non solo sugli imputati ma anche sulle vittime dei reati, alle quali è negato il diritto a veder giudicati i presunti colpevoli.

Attualmente vi sono in Italia 5.913.557 cause penali pendenti e 3.575.221 cause civili pendenti, per un totale di 9.448.778 cause giudiziarie arretrate .

Nel periodo 1.7.98-30.6.99 sono stati denunciati 3.308.445 delitti per i quali è stata iniziata l'azione penale, dei quali 2.784.532 (84.2%) sono rimasti senza autore .

Sujet: LA JUSTICE ITALIENNE ET LE RESPECT DU PACTE INTERNATIONAL SUR LES DROITS CIVILS ET POLITIQUES

L'art. 27, alinéa 2, de la Constitution italienne établit que

»l'inculpé n'est pas considéré coupable jusqu'à sa condamnation définitive , et l'art. 14, alinéa 2, du Pacte international sur les droits civils et politiques que »toute personne accusée d'une infraction pénale est présumée innocente jusqu'à ce que sa culpabilité ait été légalement établie .

L'art. 9, alinéa 1, du Pacte international sur les droits civils et politiques toujours, prévoit que »tout individu a le droit à la liberté et à la sécurité de sa personne , et, à l'alinéa 3, que »tout individu arrêté ou détenu du chef d'une infraction pénale sera traduit dans le plus court délai devant un juge ou une autre autorité habilitée par la loi à exercer des fonctions judiciaires, et devra être jugé dans un délai raisonnable ou libéré. La détention de personnes qui attendent de passer en jugement ne doit pas être la règle, mais la mise en liberté peut être subordonnée à des garanties assurant la comparution de l'intéressé à l'audience, à tous les autres actes de la procédure, et, le cas échéant, pour l'exécution du jugement . Quant à l'art. 14, alinéa trois, lettre c, il prescrit que tout individu accusé d'une infraction pénale a droit »à être jugée sans retard excessif .

Face à de telles dispositions, contraignantes et d'importance fondamentale, il résulte qu':

en Italie il y a 51.862 détenus, dont 24.267 (46.79 %) en attente de jugement (4383 depuis plus de 18 mois) PAGE * ARABIC 3 .

Pendant les dix dernières années, de 1990 à 2000, les autorités judiciaires italiennes ont adopté 17.923 mesures de libération pour expiration des délais de la détention préventive PAGE * ARABIC 3 , et ceci dans le cadre d'une procédure judiciaire qui prévoit la possibilité de maintenir une personne en détention préventive jusque pendant 9 ans. En Italie, un procès civil dure en moyenne plus de sept années et une procédure pénale 1210 jours PAGE * ARABIC 3 (7 ou 8 années si l'on tient également compte des temps "morts" de la procédure et si l'on ignore les procédures contre X classées dans les phases préliminaires). Le nombre des infractions donnant lieu à prescription connaît une très forte augmentation. Au cours de la seule année 1998, plus de 130.000 infractions ont connu un tel sort, ce qui démontre que le mauvais fonctionnement de la justice a des répercussions négatives non seulement sur les personnes accusées mais aussi sur les victimes de ces infractions qui se voient dénier le droit de voir jugés

les coupables présumés. Actuellement, on compte en Italie 5.913.557 causes pénales et 3.575.221 causes civiles pendantes, pour un total de 9.448.778 causes judiciaires en attente de jugement. Pendant la période du 1.7.98 au 30.6.99, 3.308.445 infractions ont été dénoncées et entraîné l'ouverture d'une action pénale, dont 2.784.532 (84.2%) sont restées sans auteur.

Données datant du 31/01/2000. Source: Ministère de la Justice

Département de l'administration pénitentiaire, Service d'informatique et de Statistique Section Monitoring et Statistiques

Source: Ministère de la Justice Département de l'administration pénitentiaire, Service d'informatique et de Statistique Section Monitoring et Statistiques

Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation. En ce qui concerne ces données, il est nécessaire d'apporter quelques précisions : le chiffre officiel de 1210 jours de durée moyenne pour une procédure pénale ne reflète pas fidèlement la réalité; ce chiffre, en effet, s'il tient compte, d'un côté, des procédures pénales contre X classées dans la phase préliminaire, ne tient pas compte, de l'autre, des "temps morts" qui s'écoulent entre la clôture d'une phase de la procédure et l'ouverture de la phase successive; c'est pourquoi la durée moyenne effective d'une procédure pénale est de loin supérieure à 1210 jours, et s'élève approximativement à 7 ou 8 ans.

Données datant du 30/06/99. Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation

Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation

Sujet: IRREGULARITE DANS LA RECOLTE DES SIGNATURES POUR LA PRESENTATION DES LISTES AUX PROCHAINES ELECTIONS REGIONALES

En Italie l'activité politique est réglée par différentes normes, parmi lesquelles

nous avons la loi n. 108 de 1968 qui, au travers de modifications successives, établit le nombre minimal et maximal de signatures de citoyens à recueillir afin de pouvoir présenter une liste aux différentes échéances électorales: des élections de ciconcription jusqu'aux élections nationales. Selon la loi n. 43 de 1995, qui réglemente notamment les élections pour le renouvellement des Conseils régionaux du 16 avril prochain, quatre cinquièmes des sièges sont attribués avec un critère proportionnel au moyen de circonscriptions provinciales et un cinquième est attribué à la liste majoritaire qui remporte les élections, dont la tête de liste est candidat à la Présidence du Conseil Régional. Le mecanisme prévoit que les listes provinciales présentent une déclaration de liaison avec une des listes qui participent à l'attribution du quota majoritaire, de même que ces dernières doivent présenter une déclaration de liaison avec les listes provinciales présentes au moins dans la moitié plus une des provinces de la rég

ion. Les partis et les groupes politiques qui présentent une liste propre au niveau de la province sont donc tenus de faire signer leur liste sur des modules qui contiennent l'indication de la liste régionale liée, tandis que les coalitions qui présentent la liste régionale doivent récolter les signatures sur des modules qui présentent, conjointement à la description du symbole, l'énumération des listes liées.

La raison de ce mecanisme est la tutelle de la volonté du citoyen signataire : celui ou celle qui signe en faveur de la présentation d'une liste ne signe pas une délégation en blanc par laquelle il ou elle autorise le parti ou le groupe politique à s'allier avec les forces du centre-gauche ou bien du centre-droite, ou encore à présenter une candidature autonome.

Des véritables notifications d'infraction, concernant l'application de cette procédure compliquée, sont repérables sur les journaux des tout derniers jours ayant précédé l'échéance fixée pour le dépôt auprès des greffes des Tribunaux. Tout le monde a pû lire que, quelques heures avant le terme des délais prescrits, de nouvelles alliances ont été définies, tandis que d'autres ont été simultanément dissoutes, et que, dans la composition des listes, des candidats sortaient d'une liste pour en rejoindre une autre: et ceci au moment où, dans les Tribunaux, les commissions censées effectuer le contrôle de la conformité des documents nécessaires pour l'admission aux éléctions étaient déjà opérationnelles.

Dans la réalité, donc, toutes les organisations politiques, à quelques heures du dépôt, n'avaient pas encore toutes les informations nécessaires pour imprimer les modules sur lesquels recueillir les milliers de signatures exigées dans toutes les provinces à Statut ordinaire dont les Conseils seront renouvelés le 16 avril prochain : une enquête approfondie de la part de l'autorité judiciaire mérite d'être menée afin de déterminer de quelle façon il a été possible de pourvoir à toutes les procédures prévues en l'espace de quelques heures seulement.

C'est pourquoi une dénonciation a été présentée aux parquets généraux des Tribunaux de toutes les 83 provinces concernées par le vote du 16 avril, avec une requête urgente de saisissement probatoire de la totalité du matériel déposé auprès des Greffes des Tribunaux et des Cour d'Appel les 17 et 18 mars derniers. Une dénonciation analogue a été envoyée au Parquet Général de la Cour de Cassation.

Sujet: LA JUSTICE ITALIENNE ET LE RESPECT DU PACTE INTERNATIONAL SUR LES DROITS CIVILS ET POLITIQUES

L'art. 27, alinéa 2, de la Constitution italienne établit que

»l'inculpé n'est pas considéré coupable jusqu'à sa condamnation définitive , et l'art. 14, alinéa 2, du Pacte international sur les droits civils et politiques que »toute personne accusée d'une infraction pénale est présumée innocente jusqu'à ce que sa culpabilité ait été légalement établie .

L'art. 9, alinéa 1, du Pacte international sur les droits civils et politiques toujours, prévoit que »tout individu a le droit à la liberté et à la sécurité de sa personne , et, à l'alinéa 3, que »tout individu arrêté ou détenu du chef d'une infraction pénale sera traduit dans le plus court délai devant un juge ou une autre autorité habilitée par la loi à exercer des fonctions judiciaires, et devra être jugé dans un délai raisonnable ou libéré. La détention de personnes qui attendent de passer en jugement ne doit pas être la règle, mais la mise en liberté peut être subordonnée à des garanties assurant la comparution de l'intéressé à l'audience, à tous les autres actes de la procédure, et, le cas échéant, pour l'exécution du jugement . Quant à l'art. 14, alinéa trois, lettre c, il prescrit que tout individu accusé d'une infraction pénale a droit »à être jugée sans retard excessif .

Face à de telles dispositions, contraignantes et d'importance fondamentale, il résulte qu':

en Italie il y a 51.862 détenus, dont 24.267 (46.79 %) en attente de jugement (4383 depuis plus de 18 mois) PAGE * ARABIC 3 .

Pendant les dix dernières années, de 1990 à 2000, les autorités judiciaires italiennes ont adopté 17.923 mesures de libération pour expiration des délais de la détention préventive PAGE * ARABIC 3 , et ceci dans le cadre d'une procédure judiciaire qui prévoit la possibilité de maintenir une personne en détention préventive jusque pendant 9 ans. En Italie, un procès civil dure en moyenne plus de sept années et une procédure pénale 1210 jours PAGE * ARABIC 3 (7 ou 8 années si l'on tient également compte des temps "morts" de la procédure et si l'on ignore les procédures contre X classées dans les phases préliminaires). Le nombre des infractions donnant lieu à prescription connaît une très forte augmentation. Au cours de la seule année 1998, plus de 130.000 infractions ont connu un tel sort, ce qui démontre que le mauvais fonctionnement de la justice a des répercussions négatives non seulement sur les personnes accusées mais aussi sur les victimes de ces infractions qui se voient dénier le droit de voir jugés

les coupables présumés. Actuellement, on compte en Italie 5.913.557 causes pénales et 3.575.221 causes civiles pendantes, pour un total de 9.448.778 causes judiciaires en attente de jugement. Pendant la période du 1.7.98 au 30.6.99, 3.308.445 infractions ont été dénoncées et entraîné l'ouverture d'une action pénale, dont 2.784.532 (84.2%) sont restées sans auteur.

Données datant du 31/01/2000. Source: Ministère de la Justice

Département de l'administration pénitentiaire, Service d'informatique et de Statistique Section Monitoring et Statistiques

Source: Ministère de la Justice Département de l'administration pénitentiaire, Service d'informatique et de Statistique Section Monitoring et Statistiques

Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation. En ce qui concerne ces données, il est nécessaire d'apporter quelques précisions : le chiffre officiel de 1210 jours de durée moyenne pour une procédure pénale ne reflète pas fidèlement la réalité; ce chiffre, en effet, s'il tient compte, d'un côté, des procédures pénales contre X classées dans la phase préliminaire, ne tient pas compte, de l'autre, des "temps morts" qui s'écoulent entre la clôture d'une phase de la procédure et l'ouverture de la phase successive; c'est pourquoi la durée moyenne effective d'une procédure pénale est de loin supérieure à 1210 jours, et s'élève approximativement à 7 ou 8 ans.

Données datant du 30/06/99. Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation

Source: Rapport sur l'administration de la justice en 1999 du Procureur général de la République près la Cour suprême de cassation

"FREE INFORMATION" IN ITALY

INTRODUCTION.

What kind of treatment has television news reserved for the Radical movement in all these years? Not the Radicals, but one of their political opponents, Francesco Storace, Chair of the RAI Watchdog Committee, has described it as a "political and cultural genocide", perpetrated against the Radicals.

The following are the key events in this disgraceful affair.

13 February 1997. The Parliamentary Watchdog Committee approved a directive addressed to the concessionaire of the radio and television public service, in which it reminded RAI-TV of its dual legal obligation "to guarantee that the diverse political parties and the diverse ideas are represented, and above all to ensure that citizens have the right to be completely informed. (...) What is a duty for the entire radio and television system becomes an obligation for each radio and television channel managed by the public service, whose existence (and financing by means of a license) depends on its being on the side of every citizen, and eschewing any subordination to parties, powers or interests."

19 November 1997. The Watchdog Committee approved a resolution in which, "considering the almost complete absence in television debates and discussions of the issues raised, via numerous initiatives, by the Movimento dei Club Pannella and by its leader," and "considering that issues such as drugs, the public financing of political parties, electoral reform and other issues raised by initiatives undertaken by the Movimento dei Club Pannella are subjects of general interest that cannot be marginalized simply because they are being proposed by forces and movements outside the present political line-ups," calls on the RAI "to include in its television programming, in a timely manner, broadcasts featuring debates and confrontations on the aforesaid issues."

10 March 1998. The Watchdog Committee approved another resolution in which, constatata e denunciata la mancata attuazione da parte della Rai della precedente delibera, ne ribadiva in tutto e per tutto i contenuti e le richieste.

RAI STATISTICS.

Let us allow the figures to speak for themselves, which will enable us to verify just how, over a long period of time, the public service of the RAI has "implemented" the directives of Parliament and "fulfilled" its obligations under law, and under the Service Agreement and Contract.

Table 1 shows the figures concerning the amount of airtime given to politicians in the RAI newscasts during the period from 20 November 1997 (the day after the first Watchdog resolution on the "Radical case") and 31 December 1998.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Length Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG1 5220 32h 24' 9" 17 7' 38" 0,39 TG2 4560 29h 38' 52" 58 30' 21" 1,71 TG3 5743 43h 18' 17" 31 21' 21" 0,82 Table 1 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Table 2 shows, for the same period, the figures relevant to the airtime given to politicians in RAI broadcasts.

Channel Total number of political interviews Length Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % Rai1 910 70h 31' 24" 1 28" 0,01 Rai2 989 62h 36' 44" 4 11' 29" 0,31 Rai3 799 55h 46' 38" 6 12' 21" 0,37 Table 2 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Lastly, table 3 shows the figures concerning the airtime given to politicians during programs of political analysis (news specials, reports) linked to the three RAI newscasts (TG1, TG2, TG3), once again for the period from 20 November 1997 to 31 December 1998. In order to avoid any misunderstandings, I would like to point out that the barely acceptable figures for TG1 and the "exceptional" figures for TG2, are almost solely due to the "Speciale TG1" and the "TG2 Dossier" broadcast on 13 and 19 December 1997 respectively, which cannot in any way be judged by the same standard as the other "broadcasts," since they were transmissions imposed by the Parliamentary Watchdog Committee following its resolution of 19 November 1997, and therefore made independently of any decisions taken by the RAI management.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG1 238 6h 45' 50" 2 6' 6" 1,50 TG2 151 4h 18' 15" 2 24' 9" 9,35 TG3 166 4h 53' 16" 1 2" 0,01 Table 3 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Apart from the few rare exceptions - that confirm the rule -; apart from the "falsified" figures of the broadcasts imposed by the Watchdog Committee, it is more than evident that the airtime conceded to the Radicals is virtually nil. It is also significant how, with occasional exceptions, the situation regarding the RAI broadcasts has actually worsened in the first five months of 1999. Again, let us allow the figures to speak.

Table 4 shows the figures concerning the airtime given to politicians during RAI newscasts in the period between 1 January and 20 May 1999.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG1 1746 10h 41' 59" 14 3' 51" 0,60 TG2 1618 9h 48' 45" 34 16' 31" 2,81 TG3-T3 1528 9h 16' 17" 16 5' 7" 0,9 Table 4 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Table 5 shows, for the same period, the figures concerning airtime given to politicians during RAI broadcasts.

Channel Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % Rai1 376 28h 53' 33" 0 0 0 Rai2 381 36h 50' 54" 6 52' 43" 2,38 Rai3 453 18h 7' 15" 0 0 0 Table 5 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Lastly, Table 6 shows the figures concerning airtime given to politicians during the political analysis programs (news specials, reports) linked to RAI newscasts (TG1, TG2, TG3) once again for the period between 1 January - 20 May 1999.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG1 153 8h 51' 54" 1 59" 0,18 TG2 34 1h 3' 17" 0 0 0 TG3-T3 183 4h 3' 4" 1 13" 0,10 Table 6 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

THE REFERENDA.

We arrived at the 1999 European elections with practically no voice on Italian television, and the Radicals on the Emma Bonino List had to invest tens of billions of Lire - using their own patrimony - in TV commercials.

Thanks to this information (which cost us dear, while the others were allowed to spread theirs gratis by the entire system of public and private radio and television networks), and to Bonino's popularity, the Bonino List won 8.5% of the Italian vote. In the following three months, the List undertook a campaign to hold referenda on 20 issues, collecting a total of 16 million authenticated signatures of Italian citizens - an event without precedent in this country.

So how did the public service behave with regard to this initiative, which focused - and I must emphasize this - on electoral reform and the public financing of parties, as well as the workplace, healthcare, pensions and justice, etc., which were the very same issues that the Parliamentary Watchdog Committee had recognized as being systematically suppressed by the RAI?

In approximately 7 months (from 20 July 1999 to 7 February 2000), on 3 channels that broadcast 24 hours a day, the RAI was barely able to transmit on the above issues 4 political analysis programs, which were all transmitted during average or even low viewing times: a "Speciale TG3" on 29 July, a "Speciale TG1" on 4 September, another "Speciale TG1" on 15 January, and, lastly, "Porta a Porta" (a political program on RAI Channel 1) on 7 February.

The result of all these months of "information" was all too well communicated during the last program by one of the leading experts on polls, Prof. Renato Mannheimer, according to whom, at that precise moment, at least 75% of Italians new "little or nothing" about the content of the various referenda.

MEDIASET STATISTICS.

If the state of affairs with regard to the public service is extremely serious, also in the light of the specific obligations it must fulfill, the situation regarding the Mediaset channels is no less grim, since the leading private Italian group is bound to respect the fundamental principles of the "pluralism, objectivity, completeness and impartiality of information" solemnly affirmed in Art. 1, sub-section 2 of Law no. 223 of 1990. Also in this case, let us allow the figures to speak for themselves. Merely by way of example, we are giving the numbers for an entire year of programming, from 22 May 1998 to 20 May 1999.

Table 7 shows the figures concerning the amount of airtime given to politicians in the Mediaset newscasts during the period from 22 May 1998 to 20 May 1999.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG5 1839 12h 59' 40" 17 5' 27" 0,70 TG4 2242 36h 4' 44" 30 18' 32" 0,86 Studio Aperto 592 3h 44' 6" 7 1' 29" 0,66 Table 7 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Table 8 shows, for the same period, the figures concerning the airtime devoted to politicians in the Mediaset broadcasts.

Channel Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % Canale5 784 31h 34' 1" 3 2' 9" 0,11 Rete4 389 9h 29' 29" 4 2' 42" 0,47 Italia1 281 16h 59' 50" 0 0 0 Table 8 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

Table 9 shows the figures concerning the airtime given to politicians in the programs of political analysis linked to the Mediaset newscasts (news specials, reports), once again during the period between 22 May 1998 and 20 May 1999.

Newscast Total number of political interviews Lenght Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TG5 44 1h 30' 17" 0 0 0 TG4 26 2h 1' 39" 0 0 0 Studio Aperto 402 21h 54' 31" 1 4' 17" 0,33 Table 9 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

TELEMONTECARLO STATISTICS.

The last set of figures in this report concerns Telemontecarlo. As in the case of Mediaset, the numbers should be considered in the light of the fundamental affirmations in Art. 1, sub-section 2 of Law no. 223 of 1990.

Table 10 shows the figures concerning airtime given to politicians in the newscasts, broadcasts and programs of political analysis linked to the Telemontecarlo newscasts, in the space of one year. This, too, is merely by way of example, and refers to the period between 22 May 1998 and 20 May 1999.

Total number of political interviews Length Number of interviews with Italian radical leaders Lenght % TMC News 1800 10h 7' 9" 3 32" 0,09 TMC broadcasts 169 12h 6' 11" 1 18' 2,48 Programs of political analysis linked to TMC newscasts 125 6h 41' 46" 2 45" 0,19 Table 10 - Figures supplied by "Centro d'Ascolto dell'Informazione Radiotelevisiva"

CONCLUSIONS.

However one looks at this affair, these figures show how the entire public and private radio and television system has, in all these years, enforced an "order of expulsion" that has effectively banned Emma Bonino, Marco Pannella and the Radicals from television.

The Radicals have not taken this lying down. In January 1998 and in May 1999, in fact, we deposited, as we have been doing for about 25 years, at the Public Prosecutor's office in Rome two new denouncements of the RAI management for very serious offenses, from the violation of the civil and political rights of citizens to abuse of office, from failing to perform official tasks to fraud concerning the supply of public services. On another front, we have launched repeated appeals to the Authority for guarantees in communications, which state Law no. 249 of 1997 has endowed with the power to request that the RAI activates disciplinary procedures against the managers who were responsible for the Parliamentary Watchdog Committee directives not being respected. As for as the Watchdog Committee itself is concerned, we have constantly placed the entire question before it.

IRREGULARITIES IN THE COLLECTION OF SIGNATURES FOR THE PRESENTATION OF THE LISTS AT THE UPCOMING REGIONAL ELECTIONS

In Italy, political activity is governed by various norms, including Law no. 108 of 1968, whose subsequent modifications have established the minimum and maximum number of citizens' signatures to be collected with a view to presenting a list at the different elections, from the constituency to the national level. In accordance with Law no. 43 of 1995, which specifically governs the elections for the renewal of Regional Councils to be held on 16 April, four fifths of the seats are allotted according to a proportional criterion through provincial constituencies, and one fifth assigned to the winning majority list whose head is the candidate for the Presidency of the Regional Council. The mechanism provides that the provincial lists must present a declaration stating that they are linked with one of the lists competing for the assignment of the majority quota, and similarly that the latter must present a declaration stating that they are linked to the provincial lists present in at least one more than half of

the provinces of the region. Political parties and groups who present their own list at the provincial level are therefore obliged to have it signed on forms that indicate the regional list to which they are linked, while coalitions that present a regional list must collect the signatures on forms giving the names of the lists to which they are linked, together with a description of the symbol.

This mechanism is designed to protect the will of the citizen who affixes his/her signature; however, whoever signs for the presentation of a list does not give a political group or party carte blanche to align with the forces of the center left or the center right, or to present an independent candidacy.

News of gross violations of the application of this complex procedure appeared in newspapers immediately before the deadline established for depositing the forms at the Clerk of the Court's offices of the various Law Courts. The general public read that a few hours before the deadlines fell due, new alliances were formed while others were scrapped, and candidates left one list to join another. All this took place when the Committees appointed to vet the documentation to be presented for admission to the elections had already been installed in the courts.

Therefore, just a few hours before the deadline for depositing the signatures fell due, the political organizations did not even have the necessary information to print the forms on which to collect the thousands of signatures required in all the provinces and regions with an ordinary Statute, whose Councils will be renewed on 16 April: how it was possible to fulfill all the necessary obligations in the space of a few hours is something that merits a further inquiry by the judiciary.

This is why a denouncement was presented at the Public Prosecutor's offices at the courts of all the 83 provinces involved, urgently requesting the probative confiscation of all the material deposited at the Clerk of the Court's offices of the Law Courts and of the Courts of Appeal on the 17 and 18 March 2000. A similar denouncement was sent to the Public Prosecutor's office at the Court of Cassation.

TO THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE of THE COURT OF

ACT OF DENUNCIATION WITH REQUEST FOR URGENT PROBATIVE CONFISCATION

the undersigned Giacinto Pannella, alias Marco, born in Teramo on 02.05.1930 and Emma Bonino, born in Bra (Cuneo) on 09.03.1948, both of whom have elected their domicile in Via di Torre Argentina, 76, Rome, c/o the headquarters of the Radical Party, by means of the present act intend formally

TO DENOUNCE

all persons responsible for the crimes described in articles 479, 485, 486, 489 of the penal code or for any other crime that Your Excellency may identify in the facts outlined below.

* ** * * * *

As is known, the elections for the regional councils of the fifteen Italian regions with ordinary statutes will be held on 16 April 2000; these elections will involve around 40,000,000 Italian citizens.

The fundamental provisions that regulate the subject are contained in Laws no. 43 of 1995 and no. 108 of 1968.

On the basis of the measures contained in the above-mentioned Laws, 4/5 of the Regional Councillors are to be elected by means of the system of proportional representation on the basis of competing Provincial Lists, the remaining 1/5 are to be elected through the first-past-the-post system on the basis of competing Regional Lists.

In order to take part in the electoral competition it is thus necessary to present both Provincial Lists and Regional Lists.

The same Law no. 43 of 1995 requires anyone who intends to present Lists, either provincial or regional, - including parties represented in parliament - to collect a minimum number of signatures that must be authenticated by various public officials and accompanied by the electoral certificates of the signees.

It is Law no. 108 of 1968 and subsequent modifications that establishes the minimum number and the maximum number of signatures of electors to be collected for the presentation of each provincial List and of each Regional List.

In short, as far as each Provincial List is concerned it is necessary to collect the signatures of:

at least 750 and no more than 1,100 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in provincial constituencies of up to 100,000 inhabitants;

at least 1,000 and no more than 1,500 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in provincial constituencies with more than 100,000 inhabitants and up to 500,000 inhabitants;

at least 1,750 and no more than 2,500 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in provincial constituencies with more than 500,000 inhabitants and up to 1,000,000 inhabitants;

at least 2,000 and no more than 3,000 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in provincial constituencies with more than 1,000,000 inhabitants.

As far as each Regional List is concerned:

at least 1,000 and no more than 1,500 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in Regions with up to 500,000 inhabitants (Molise);

at least 1,750 and no more than 2,500 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in Regions with more than 500,000 inhabitants and up to 1,000,000 inhabitants (Umbria and Basilicata);

at least 3,500 and no more than 5,000 electors registered in the electoral rolls of communes in Regions with more than 1,000,000 inhabitants.

The signatures of the electors, for the presentation of the Provincial Lists, must be collected on special forms, bearing the symbol of the List, the surname, first name(s), place and date of birth of each candidate, as well as the first name(s), surname, place and date of birth of each of the signees.

On the basis of Law no. 43 of 1995 "The presentation of the Provincial Lists of candidates referred to in article 9 of Law no. 108 of 17 February 1968, and successive modifications, must be accompanied by the declaration of relation with one of the Regional Lists referred to in paragraph 5, otherwise it will be declared null and void; such declaration is only valid if it is in line with a similar declaration made by the delegates for the presentation of the above-mentioned Regional List".

Attachment 1-bis drawn up by the Ministry of Home Affairs (2000 edition) on p. 53 as the form for the collection of the signatures of the electors denominated "form for a separate act of a declaration of presentation of a provincial List of candidates", requires: 1) all the indications to identify the type of election; 2) the reproduction and the description of the provincial symbol; 3) the relation with the Regional List with relative description of the symbol; 4) the candidates of the Provincial List; 5) list of the electors who have signed the provincial List; 6) there follows a list of the signees and a space reserved for the authentication of the signatures.

It is clear that is not possible to commence the collection of the signatures of the electors if all the following conditions are not met: 1) indication of the symbol with which the list is presented; 2) declaration of relation with a Regional List whose electoral symbol must also be described; 3) indication of the List of the provincial candidates.

It is also worth pointing out the formula and the method by which the authentication must be performed by the public official competent. On the basis of article 20 of Law no. 15 of 4 January 1968: "I certify to be true and authentic the signatures, placed in my presence, of the electors indicated above (no. ..), identified by me by means of the document indicated". The date of the authentication, the position of the public official who performs the authentication, the round stamp of the office and the signature of the person responsible for authentication, must also be indicated.

The signatures of the electors who have signed, for the presentation of the Regional Lists, must be collected on special forms bearing the symbol of the List, the surname, the first name(s), the place and the date of birth of each candidate, as well as the first name(s), the surname, the place and date of birth of each of the signees.

On the basis of Law no. 43 of 1995 "The presentation of the Regional List must be accompanied by the declaration of relation with at least one group of Provincial Lists presented in no less than half the provinces of the region, rounded up to the nearest whole number, otherwise it will be declared null and void. This declaration is valid only if it is in line with a similar declaration made by the delegates on the presentation of the Provincial Lists concerned."

Attachment 2-bis drawn up by the Ministry of Home Affairs (2000 edition) on p. 65 as the form for the collection of the signatures of the electors denominated "form for a separate act of a declaration of presentation of a Regional List of candidates", requires: 1) all the indications to identify the type of election; 2) the reproduction and the description of the regional symbol; 3) the relation with the Provincial Lists with relative description of the electoral symbols; 4) the candidates of the Regional List; 5) the name of the candidate for the presidency of the regional council; 6) list of the electors who have signed the Regional List; 7) there follows the list of the signees and a space reserved for the authentication of the signatures.

It is clear that it is not possible to commence the collection of the signatures of the electors if all the following conditions are not met: 1) indication of the symbol with which the List is presented; 2) declaration of relation with the Provincial Lists, whose electoral symbol must also be described; 3) indication of the List of the regional candidates (to be known hereafter as the listino); 4) indication of the candidate for the Presidency of the Regional Council.

In order to make the collection of signatures easier - each party or movement that intends to stand at the elections throughout the country must in fact collect from 110,000 to 140,000 authenticated signatures divided among 85 Provinces and 15 Regions - article 4 of Law no. 43 of 1995 expressly lays down constitutional obligations in the 20 days prior to the deadline for the presentation of the lists: 1) all communes must ensure the electors of any commune the opportunity to sign the lists of candidates quickly; 2) the communes must remain open for these obligations, for no less than ten hours a day from Monday to Friday, eight hours on Saturday and on Sunday, also carrying out this duty in municipal premises other than the town hall. The hours of opening are reduced by half in communes with less than 3,000 inhabitants; 3) the times of opening are to be made known to the general public by means of clearly visible notices, also when offices are closed; 4) public news organs are required to notify citizens of

the possibility referred to above.

As far as the issue of the certificates of registration in the electoral rolls is concerned, this must be completed by the communes within the peremptory deadline of 24 hours from the application (article 9, eighth paragraph L. no. 108 / 68).

The officials authorised to authenticate signatures, on the basis of article 14 of Law 1990 no. 53, modified by Law no. 120 of 1999 are the following: notaries, justices of the peace, officials of the registrar's offices of the courts, secretaries of the Public Prosecutor's Office, presidents of Provincial Councils, mayors, councillors responsible for departments in Communal and Provincial Councils, presidents of Communal and Provincial Councils, presidents and vice-presidents of District Councils (Circoscrizioni), secretaries of communes and provincial councils and officials assigned to the task by the mayor or by the president of the Provincial Council.

The Minister of Home Affairs Rt. Hon. Enzo Bianco, in a circular dated 17 February 2000 (MIACSE NUMBER 16/2000), repeated and detailed the tasks of the public officials called by the Law to authenticate the signatures of the electors on the occasion of the presentation of the lists: "As is known, article 14 of Law no. 53 of 21 March 1990, as recently modified by article 4 paragraph 2, of Law no. 120 of 30 April 1999, assigns to the public officials expressly mentioned the task of carrying out the authentication of the signatures of signees of the lists and of the groups of candidates. In this respect, it should be remembered that the Ministry of Justice has expressed the opinion that the above-mentioned public officials have the power to authenticate the signatures exclusively in the territory of competence of the office they hold. It should also be remembered that secretaries of communes or the officials assigned with the task by the mayor or by the president of the Provincial Council must perform their du

ties in their own office, in keeping with normal hours of work and, where necessary, of the hours of overtime allowed by the Law. However, the organisational autonomy of the communal councils permits them to authorise the performance of the above-mentioned duties in municipal premises other than the town hall, or in other public places (that is, open to the public), as long as they fall within the territory of the commune; as regards the power of authentication assigned by Law number 120 of 1999 also to provincial and communal councillors who notify their availability, to the president of the Provincial Council and to the mayor respectively, it must be pointed out that since this power has not been limited by the new Law, it can also by exercised by councillors who are candidates in the elections of 16 April 2000.

Similarly, in the absence of laws to the contrary, the councillors in Provincial and Communal Councils can carry out the acts of authentication referred to, irrespective of the type of election for which the signatures are collected. In the performance of the above-mentioned tasks, there must always be absolute equality of treatment towards all political forces".

* * * * *

The complexity of the entire operation, the problem of the high number of signatures to be collected in order to be able to present lists within the peremptory deadline of 12 p.m. on 18 March 2000, the particularly complicated and antiquated mechanism (manual transcription of personal data; electoral certificate attached, etc.), the lack of information about the whole procedure, require exceptional mobilisation on the part of the Lista Pannella-Bonino, as well as the whole Radical movement, famous for its know-how in the collection of signatures: hundreds and hundreds of tables all over Italy beginning from the month of February - and therefore necessarily with all the members of the Lists already decided on - notable financial investment and even hunger strikes.

It is therefore worth outlining the development of the "question of the collection of the signatures", which had already begun as early as 23 February to be brought up by the authors of this denunciation.

23 February Emma Bonino, Marco Cappato (member of the European Parliament, co-ordinator of the Radicals in the EP) and Daniele Capezzone (press officer) send a letter to the President of the Parliamentary RAI-TV Watchdog committee Francesco Storace: "To present lists in all constituencies, it is now necessary to collect from 110,000 to 140,000 signatures in just under thirty days we ask that the RAI should act immediately, and not just in the last twenty days as laid down by the Law, firstly to inform people of the news - generally little known - about the need to sign the lists and secondly to illustrate the system for signing ".

24 February: the Radicals urge the Home Minister Rt. Hon. Enzo Bianco to send out explanatory circulars about the duties of the officials responsible for authentication and about the obligations of the communes with respect to their duty to allow citizens to sign the electoral lists. The vast majority of communes, in fact, do not even seem to be aware of what the electoral Law lays down and requires. Minister Bianco draws up a circular, both incomplete and inaccurate in that it refers only to the issue of electoral certificates and not to the system for collecting signatures. Only thanks to the repeated pressure of the Radicals, and after a week, does the Ministry send out a circular that also regards the system for the collection of signatures in the offices of the communes.

4 March: thirteen days before the date of presentation of the electoral lists, the President of the Radical Convention in progress in Rome denounces the substantial attack on the political rights of the citizens, and addresses an appeal to the President of the Council and to the Home Minister to ensure the respect of the Laws in force. 125 Radical leaders and activists - including Emma Bonino and Marco Cappato - begin a "dialogue strike" to obtain the restoration of a minimum degree of legality.

5 March: the Home Minister Bianco sends a fax to Marco Pannella, informing him that he has done everything in his power with regard to the RAI-TV board, and attaches a copy of his letter to the Chairman of the RAI Roberto Zaccaria. The problem is that in this letter he limits himself to the system of voting and not to the collection of the signatures in support of the lists.

6 March: Emma Bonino denounces the following facts: communal offices closed, officials responsible for authentication unavailable, information blackout. The dialogue strike with the President of the Council and the Home Minister continues.

7 March: the President of the Council Rt. Hon. Massimo D'Alema meets Emma Bonino, Marco Cappato and Marco Pannella, and welcomes the invitation for the correction, at least partial, of the seriously illegitimate and illegal situation that has come about with regard to the electoral procedure. The first concrete sign: during the course of the radio programme "Radio anch'io", and then in interviews with TG1 and TG2 D'Alema acknowledges the validity of the Radical denouncement.

8 March: the RAI also finally begins to provide the public information service on the electoral procedures that the Law required from at least 27 February.

13 March: press conference called by Emma Bonino, Marco Cappato and Marco Pannella, in the course of which they announce "possible denouncements for failure to perform institutional duties on the part of those communal councillors who, violating the Law, do not guarantee equal conditions for all political forces. The Radicals announce that they will denounce Italy before the Strasbourg Court for repeated violations of a Law (a law which is in any case rather bizarre) that regulates the collection of signatures for the presentation of the lists for regional elections.

15 March: Marco Pannella publicly invites the head of the State Prosecutor's Office of Naples, Agostino Cordova, to "keep a close watch". "I have doubts", says Pannella, "about how the centre-left coalition can legally collect the signatures necessary to support the candidacy of Antonio Bassolino as president". The Lista Pannella Senator Pietro Milio presents an urgent question to the President of the Council and to the Home Minister, posing the question of the legitimacy of the collection of signatures in the lists of candidates of the centre-right coalition and of the centre-left coalition in Calabria and in Campania; he also asks the government to intervene to guarantee the regularity of the electoral competition.

19 March: despite the fact that after tireless efforts the Lista Emma Bonino has managed to present lists in all the 85 provincial constituencies and the 15 Regions, Marco Pannella publicly denounces the illegality of the forthcoming election and asks for the election to be annulled, "as we wait to see whether there are still any competent judges in Italy who preserve a distant memory of their own dignity and duty".

* * * * * * *

What about the other parties?

Preoccupied with creating and destroying alliances, with adding names to the provincial lists one day and withdrawing them the next, how did they manage to collect the signatures in compliance with the provisions outlined above?

On the basis of precise details published by the press and never denied, we must logically conclude with absolute certainty that the Law was not respected, with evident, clear violations "concerning false acts" and "the use made of such acts", evidently to the detriment of those who have collected the signatures in the most absolute and strictest respect of the provisions cited ut supra.

The press articles attached to the present denouncement represent serious, precise, and concordant evidence against many individuals or bodies, presently unidentified, and thus require the immediate confiscation - in order to prevent their destruction or loss which would irreparably harm the subsequent course of the investigations and - of all the documentation, including the authenticated signatures, deposited by the parties that have presented Lists to compete in the regional elections of 16 April 2000, both with the Tribunals, responsible for the Provincial Lists, and with the Courts of Appeal, responsible for the Regional Lists.

With respect to a situation that seems to have been widespread (the communal secretary's offices have only collected a few signatures and the tables for the collection of signatures in streets and squares around the country were, except in a few cases and in the last few days before the deadline, almost exclusively those of the Radicals) and that therefore requires the magistracy to carry out detailed investigations in all regions involved in these elections, we have chosen to consider as exemplary at least four cases

.

CAMPANIA

The question must be considered from two points of view: the first with respect to the composition of the majority List of the centre-left coalition, headed by Bassolino; an agreement was reached and officialised only on Friday morning, at 12:19, the time when the regional ANSA (press agency) published the news, indicating the list of candidates on the listino.

Bearing in mind the possible delay with which the news was published by ANSA, the agreement on the 12 names of the listino of the centre-left coalition for the regional elections was drawn up on the morning of 17 March, the day on which various lists were already handing all the documentation including signatures to the Court of Appeal of Naples.

"Il Mattino" of 18 March, in an article entitled "ecco i capilista tra conferme e smentite", publishes the news of the exclusion from the listino of Federico Simoncelli, former deputy vice-president of the Regional Council of Campania.

On the morning of Friday 17, 24 hours before the final deadline for the deposit of the lists, in order to collect the 3,500 signatures (actually at least 3,900 to be safe) of electors in Campania, the centre-left coalition, if it were to observe the provisions of the Law, had to:

print the forms;

collect the signatures of 3,500 signees complete with ID, signatures that must be placed in the presence of one of the officials responsible for authentication laid down by Law no. 130 of 98 and by Law no. 120 of 99;

having collected the 3,500 signatures (as a minimum), collect the electoral certificates of each elector (the communes are obliged to issue them within 24 hours).

The dates of authentication of the signatures for the majority of the centre-left coalition cannot therefore be anything but 17 or 18 March, bearing in mind that in the case of signatures collected on the morning of Saturday 18 the time left for certification is only a few hours, since the final deadline is set at 12.00.

For the composition of the majority list of the centre-right coalition there is no official news up to Friday 17 March, to the extent that Il Mattino of Friday publishes a list of only 9 rather than 11 names, above all defining them as those supposedly "in line with the choices of the candidate for the Presidency Antonio Rastrelli".

The names indicated are not those which were eventually deposited.

Il Mattino of Saturday 18 March publishes the news of the deposit of the listino the same morning; in the same article, Rastrelli, pleased with the relation of Rauti to his list, uses the future tense to promise - with respect to the names on the List - that "the representativity of the whole coalition will be ensured". In the same article, the presence of two representatives of the CCD is taken as certain, while (on 17 March) the number of representatives of Forza Italia and of Alleanza Nazionale, and of those members of "civil society" whose final agreement is still awaited, still has to be decided

When will these doubts be resolved? From the news published in the press, never officially denied, not before Saturday morning.

Was the relation with the Lista della Fiamma printed on the forms of the regional list?

And was the relation with the Polo (centre-right coalition) printed on the forms of the provincial lists of the Lista Fiamma?

How did Rastrelli and the Polo manage, in no more than 4-5 hours, to collect and to authenticate correctly on valid forms (with the relations and with the exact list of the 12 candidates of the listino) 3,500-3,900 signatures of electors in Campania?

How did they manage, for each presenter, to find the relative electoral certificate?

And, moreover, how - in the same 4-5 hours - did the Fiamma Tricolore manage to collect 2,000 authenticated signatures of electors in Naples, 2,000 of electors in Salerno, 1,000 electors in Avellino, 1,000 in Benevento, as well as 1,750 signatures of electors in Caserta, for a (minimum) total of 7,750 signees?

How did they manage to certify all the signatures on the same morning of Saturday 18 if the final deadline for the presentation of all the documentation at the registrar's offices of the tribunals was 12 p.m. on the same day?

The second point is that of the composition of the proportional lists of the various parties, and here the situation is not very different:

in Salerno, once again according to press reports (Il Mattino of Saturday 18 March) it appears that the List of the DS was completed on Friday 17 March at five in the morning;

in Caserta the outgoing councillor Federico Simoncelli, mentioned as the first name on the list in Il Mattino of Friday 17 March, refused the proposal to stand as a candidate for Rinnovamento Italiano in a press release published by Il Mattino di Napoli on Saturday 18 March;

in Avellino Concetta De Vito, indicated in Il Mattino of Friday 17 March as a candidate in the majority listino, stated that she was not willing to stand again in the lists of the Udeur on Friday, as reported by Il Mattino of Saturday 18 March;

in Naples the lists of the Democratici, of the Verdi, of the Repubblicani and of the SDI had still not been defined on Friday according to Il Mattino of Saturday 18 March;

CALABRIA

In the centre-left coalition there are two particularly significant cases: the relation of the lists of the PSE (Mancini) to the candidate of the centre-left coalition Fava, up to then related with the candidate of the SDI Cesare Marini, announced at around 17.00 hours on Thursday (ANSA).

Just over 24 hours later Marini himself announces that he is no longer willing to stand and the SDI decides to link his lists to those of the centre-left coalition. (ANSA release of 19:28, Friday 17 March).

In the centre-right coalition, the Patto Segni announces its relation only on the afternoon of Thursday 16 March; up to a few days earlier the Patto Segni took part in the meetings of the Centre-left coalition in Calabria.

In relation to the composition of the proportional lists, in an article published in Il Quotidiano of Friday 17 March, a number of "interesting last-minute surprises" are reported: in the List of the Popolari Demetrio Naccari is excluded, and Meduri is brought in from the majority listino as the first name on the proportional list; in the List of the Comunisti Italiani Patrizia Gambardella replaces Santo Gioffrè; in the List of the Democratici the serving regional councillor Giampaolo Chiappetta is excluded only on Thursday evening.

PUGLIA

The composition of the list of the centre-right coalition appears to have been closed only a few hours before the final deadline for the deposit, to the extent that in the unofficial lists presented in the newspapers of Friday 17 March and Saturday 18 March there are names that have come in and names that have gone out. In Il Quotidiano of Friday 17 March we read that there are more requests than places and that the names that are circulating seem to be confirmed, but their position on the list is still to be decided, and will depend on "negotiations during the night".

In the newspapers of Saturday 18 March there are reports of the changes that have taken place during the night, the order of the list is defined, though not officially: in fact the list published by Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno is different to that published by Il Quotidiano.

Il Quotidiano of Saturday reports on the exclusion in the last few hours of names such as Vitangelo Dattoli and Ivano Leccisi, who has apparently decided to withdraw in order to allow the Polo to put forward a majority list with territorial balance.

On Saturday 18 March La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno reports on the developments of the last few hours, during which the Rt. Hon. Fitto "has achieved two big successes, with the candidacy from "civil society" of the lawyer Mario Carrieri and Professor Luigi D'Ambrosio."

In the other newspapers of Saturday 18 March we find the news that the Movimento Sociale-Fiamma Tricolore has withdrawn the candidacy of Incardona for the Presidency, and we learn from "Il Quotidiano" of the same day that the lists will be related with the candidate of the centre-right coalition Fitto.

In the same way, according to reports published by Il Quotidiano of Saturday 18 March, there is no definite news regarding the Popolari, the Udeur, the CCD and Rinnovamento Italiano.

LAZIO

In the List of Alleanza Nazionale, in Rome, Mino Damato only makes up his mind and agrees to be the first name on the list on the afternoon of Thursday 16 March after a meeting with Fini.

The related lists up to Thursday morning include the Movimento Sociale Europeo (Bigliardo): only on the afternoon of the same day does the candidate for the presidency Francesco Storace state publicly that a serious alliance with Bigliardo is not possible in the current circumstances (Il Messaggero of Friday 17 March).

For the proportional lists in Latina there is a change in the List of the Popolari with Davoli instead of Cappelli, ("Latina Oggi" of Saturday 18 March), who had been indicated as the candidate the day before by the same newspaper.

On the opposite front, the exclusion from the listino of the Secretary of the CCD created a crisis in the Provincial Council with the withdrawal of the departmental duties from two exponents of AN by the president of the CCD; the question was only resolved on Friday with the selection of the CCD list.

In the centre-left coalition a common list with Popolari and Democratici was expected, to the extent that Castagnetti, in a press release of Friday 17 March, speaks of a policy agreement and of a symbol. The List of the Popolari, with Gasbarra as the first name, is only completed on the same day.

The four cases are, however, by no means isolated, and from a rapid illustration of single episodes, these too merely exemplary, in Basilicata, Molise, Tuscany, Calabria, Veneto, and Lombardy, we can see how widespread the situation was.

BASILICATA

Agreement on the names of the majority list was reached on the morning of Thursday 16 March, with the exclusion of the outgoing President.

Franco Adduci, former head of department in the Regional Council and leader of the CCD, in an interview with Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno of Tuesday 21 March, says that he was excluded from the list of the CCD following a meeting on Thursday 16 March.

MOLISE

Agreement for the composition of the majority list of the centre-left coalition was sealed between Thursday and Friday, the composition of the List was officialised on Friday 17 March, as is reported by Il Tempo of Saturday 18 March, which states that only during the Thursday night was the idea of including the outgoing President Veneziali in the listino agreed on. Again in the centre-left coalition, the List of the Popolari still seems open throughout Friday, for in Il Tempo of Saturday 18 March we find the news that Maria Paolo Pietropaolo, initially close to the DS and then to the Democratici, has been placed on in the list of the Popolari. And on the subject of the Popolari, in the same article we learn that "at least up to yesterday evening, the regional councillor responsible for the Department of Tourism, Nicola Iacobacci, was unsure whether to stand again". The List deposited less than 12 hours later includes the name of Iacobacci.

On page 8 of NUOVO OGGI MOLISE of Saturday 18 March, there is an "interesting" review of the latest news in the centre-left coalition: the Democratici bring into their proportional list Rossana Di Pilla, who had been excluded from the majority list. Rifondazione Comunista is ordered by Fausto Bertinotti to choose as candidates all the administrators of communal and provincial councils.

As far as the centre-right coalition is concerned, the lists of the CCD and of the CDU still seem to be in need of completion.

Tuscany

On Thursday 16 March the majority list of the centre-right coalition still seems to have a vacant post after the withdrawal of the Forza Italia candidate, Laura Lodigiani.

In the Forza Italia list in the newspapers of Friday 17 March the name of Paolo Marceschi is mentioned again; only a few days earlier he had been excluded by the Tuscan executive of Forza Italia.

The final composition of the centre-right coalition is only established on Friday, as is reported in la Nazione of Saturday 18 March.

VENETO

The majority list of the centre-right coalition is only completed on Thursday afternoon after a long conflict with the CCD, which said it would withdraw its relation and establish its own initiative, so when did they print the form with all the related lists.

LOMBARDY

According to La Repubblica of Friday 17 March the majority list of the centre-right coalition has not yet been completed.

*******

On the evidence of all these cases the questions that logically arise are always the same: if they observed the provisions of the law, how did the presenters of the lists manage in a few days, and in some cases in a few hours, to print the forms; collect the signatures of thousands of signees with ID documents, have the signatures authenticated in the presence of one of the officials responsible for authentication laid down by Law no. 130 of 98 and Law no. 120 of 99, and collect the electoral certificates of each elector?

And at the time of the collection of the authenticated signatures, were the relations with the Provincial Lists printed on the forms? and at the time of the collection of the authenticated signatures, was the relation with the Regional Lists printed on the forms for the Provincial Lists?

The suspicion, and in the cases examined we might say the concrete evidence, is that all this took place in contempt of the laws in force, and not only in the Regions and for the cases brought to the attention of Your Excellency in the present denouncement. There has been a widespread violation of the provisions by the majority of the parties and of the lists that have presented candidates.

It is for this reason that we repeat the urgent need to proceed to the immediate confiscation - in order to prevent their destruction or loss which would irreparably harm the subsequent course of the investigations and - of all the documentation, including the authenticated signatures, deposited by the parties that have presented Lists to compete in the regional elections of 16 April 2000, both with the Tribunals, responsible for the Provincial Lists, and with the Courts of Appeal, responsible for the Regional Lists.

* * * * *

That which has been presented and denounced to the attention of the State Prosecutor's Office would in other civilised countries only have to be presented to the police, since it regards common crimes laid down by the penal codes, in order to stop the crimes in flagrante and the completion of the relative criminal designs. They are, in general, facts well-known in the public domain, related to their juridical importance. The reality of the facts has, on the other hand, led us to undertake the present procedure. It was not our duty - and we have not assumed it - to carry out detailed investigations in all the areas involved in the elections of 16 April. We have selected well-known and unquestioned situations, but there is a well-grounded fear that we are faced with a widespread criminal phenomenon, with unfailing exceptions.

* * * * *

By means of the present act, the authors of the present denouncement, in compliance with articles 406 and 408 of the penal code, ask to be notified of any application for the extension or the closure of investigations.

The following newspaper articles and press agency releases are attached: (CAMPANIA)1) LA STAMPA of Thursday 16 March; 2) IL MATTINO of Friday 17 March; 3) IL QUOTIDIANO of Friday 17 March; 4) IL MATTINO of Saturday 18 March; 5) IL MATTINO of Sunday 19 March, pp. 6 and 7; 6) CORRIERE DEL MEZZOGIORNO of Sunday 19 March, p.8; 7) Regional ANSA press releases of 15, 16 and 17 March; (PUGLIA) 8) IL QUOTIDIANO of Friday 17 March; 9) IL QUOTIDIANO of Saturday 18 March; 10) LA GAZZETTA DEL MEZZOGIORNO of Saturday 18 March; (VENETO) 10) IL GAZZETTINO of Friday 17 March; 11) LA NUOVA VENEZIA of Friday 17 March; 12) Press releases of regional ANSA of 18 March; (MOLISE) 13) NUOVO MOLISE OGGI of Friday 17 March; 14) IL TEMPO (Molise) of Friday 17 March; 15) IL TEMPO (Molise) of Saturday 18 March; 16) NUOVO MOLISE OGGI of Saturday 18 March; (BASILICATA) 17) LA GAZZETTA DEL MEZZOGIORNO of Tuesday 21 March; 18) ANSA press releases of Thursday 16 March; (LAZIO) 19) CORRIERE DELLA SERA of Thursday 16 March; 20) IL GIORNALE of

Friday 17 March; 21) IL MESSAGGERO of Friday 17 March (p.34); 22) LATINA OGGI of Friday 17 March (p.3); 23) IL TEMPO of Saturday 18 March; 24) IL GIORNALE of Saturday 18 March IL MESSAGGERO of Saturday 18 March (p.32); 25) LATINA OGGI of Saturday 18 March (pp.3, 14); 26) OGGI CASTELLI NUOVO of Saturday 18 March; 27) ANSA press releases of 15, 16, 17 and 18 March; (TUSCANY) 28) LA NAZIONE of Thursday 16 March; 29) LA NAZIONE of Friday 17 March; 30) IL TIRRENO of Friday 17 March (p. 14); 31) LA NAZIONE of Saturday 18 March; 32) ANSA press releases of Thursday 16 March; (CALABRIA) 33) IL QUOTIDIANO della Calabria of Friday 17 March.(pp. 5, 17); 34) LA GAZZETTA DEL SUD of Friday 17 March; 35) IL DOMANI della Calabria of Friday 17 March (p. 26); 36) IL QUOTIDIANO of Saturday 18 March (pp. 8, 20, 24); 37) IL DOMANI DELLA CALABRIA of Saturday 18 March

Rome, 27.03.2000

(Giacinto Pannella, alias Marco)

(Emma Bonino)

Dati riferiti al 31/01/2000. Fonte: Ministero della Giustizia - Dipartimento dell'amministrazione penitenziaria, Servizio per l'informatica e la Statistica - Area Monitoraggio e Statistiche

Fonte: Ministero della Giustizia - Dipartimento dell'amministrazione penitenziaria, Servizio per l'informatica e la Statistica - Area Monitoraggio e Statistiche

Fonte: Relazione sull'amministrazione della giustizia nell'anno 1999 del Procuratore generale della Repubblica presso la Corte suprema di cassazione. Rispetto a questi dati sono necessarie alcune precisazioni: il dato ufficiale di 1210 giorni di durata media di un procedimento penale non rispecchia fedelmente la realtà; esso, infatti, mentre tiene conto da un lato anche dei procedimenti penali contro ignoti archiviati nella fase preliminare, non tiene conto dall'altro dei "tempi morti" intercorrenti tra la chiusura di una fase del procedimento e l'apertura della successiva, per cui, i tempi medi effettivi di un procedimento penale sono di gran lunga superiori ai 1210 giorni, aggirandosi intorno ai 7 o 8 anni.

Dati riferiti al 30/06/99. Fonte: Relazione sull'amministrazione della giustizia nell'anno 1999 del Procuratore generale della Repubblica presso la Corte suprema di cassazione

Fonte: Relazione sull'amministrazione della giustizia nell'anno 1999 del Procuratore generale della Repubblica presso la Corte suprema di cassazione